The Failing Condition of Women’s Education in Yemen

Part 1 of 4

Almost unknown to the West, Yemen, a country at the southern tip of the Arabian Peninsula, made international headlines in 2000 for attacks carried out on the USS Cole. In more recent years, the country attracted more international attention with news of the underwear bomber and the deadly drone strike on Anwar Al-Awlaqi. Extremists, all of them men, became famous. Yemeni women rarely made news but it all changed in January of 2011 when the Yemeni Revolution took off. Images of brave women protesting corruption and human rights abuses appeared in the media and began to look familiar. Not only did these women stand side by side with men to support the uprising, but their efforts exceeded all expectations when Tawakkol Karman, a Yemeni woman, won the Nobel Peace Prize in 2011 as the first Arab female. Despite what might seem as feminist progress, Yemen was deemed “the worst place for women”:

Based on the Global Gender Gap 2011 report, which examines the gap between men and women in four fundamental categories: economic participation and opportunity, educational attainment, health and survival and political empowerment. Although Yemen has three women ministers in the current transitional unity government, 3 members in parliament, 1 in the lower house and 2 in the upper house, and there was one woman ambassador out of 57 posts, yet it continues to occupy the last place in the region as well as in the overall rankings of 135 countries for six consecutive years. (Arabia)

While the media presented a utopian perception of Yemeni women, the reality was that women continued to be treated as inferiors to men. The data by the Global Gender Gap offers the harsh realities of Yemeni women and the solution lies in enhancing female education in order for the nation to move forward.

Throughout Yemen’s history, female education has been cumbersome. Prior to the unification of Yemen in 1990, the education of women was dichotomous; the northern government was conservative and traditional, while the southern government was Marxist and secular. With the unification, hope and expectations were high for educational improvements; however, over the past twenty years, and especially since the 1994 Civil War, the progress in the education of women and their status remains inadequate. The Yemeni revolution of 2011 provides the country with an opportunity to refocus on female education which, in turn, can contribute to the rebuilding of an egalitarian society. Female illiteracy is the biggest impediment in the nation’s path towards democracy as it stifles half of the population from the development they deserve. 

According to the Human Development Index, Yemen is one of the least developed countries in the world, ranked as country 151 out of 177 with a Gross Domestic Product (GDP) of $631 per capita (Alim 4). In the early nineties, the Yemeni Demographic Survey revealed that the median gender gap in urban areas was 8.1% and was seven times higher in rural areas with 55.7% (Alim 4). Today, Yemen remains underdeveloped and faces many challenges, one of which is education. In 2001, the country made efforts to improve the educational conditions and passed a law enforcing education; thus, making education mandatory for all children ages 6 to 15. The problem is that the law was not strictly enforced because 900,000 primary school age children never enrolled in school in 2005. Most of these children are girls because 85% of males enrolled while only 65% of females enrolled (Khalife 13). Furthermore, Yemeni females lag behind their neighboring female counterparts with a gap of at least 30% to that of Saudi Arabian, Emirati, and Omani women where literacy rates are 85%, 90%, and 84% (Khalife 12).

As of 2012, 60% of all Yemeni women remain illiterate; however, long before the unification of 1990 or the civil war of 1994, the government was well aware of the educational challenges facing women (Noman 2). Statistical data continuously revealed that the rural areas of the country were underprivileged. Education was more prominent in urban areas and females were always amongst the least enrolled, whether it was in urban or rural settings. These numbers revealed that the country needed a serious action plan to address these challenges. The objective of creating a unified female edification was not going to be an easy task due to the binary educational structures that existed within two distinct ideological Yemens.

Tomorrow: Women's Education in the People's Democratic Republic of Yemen (South Yemen)

Women Outside the Shadow - Part I

Photo via Boise Weekly

I recently stumbled on amazing piece of work by Ghaida Mutahar on Yemeni women during the revolution of 2011 (to read the Arabic version Click here). Mutahar called her paper "Women Outside the Shadow" and in it she presented to the world a group of pioneering women who are barely recognized for their activism and who remain unknown to the Yemeni populace. 
This work glorifies the role of 16 women as nonconformist political actors. The objective is to provide these women with a voice in the world, so we do not forget the capacity and achievements of Yemeni women during political turmoil. Mutahar is providing testimony so women are not forgotten again like they were in the struggle against the British colonizers and the Northern Imamate. 

In an attempt to honor these women, I will provide a brief summary of eight women today and the following eight tomorrow.  

1) Ghada Al 'Absi: She graduated in 2003 and attempted to pursue a higher degree in journalism; however she could not afford it. Ghada demanded an improvement in the quality of life and hopes that things change before she retires. On several occasions, she donated blood and other goods to Yemenis during the revolution and wrote various articles addressing the revolutionary youth. Ghada was accused by Islah members of being a spy and was detained in a tent. She hopes that that Yemen becomes a civil state; a nation that respects human rights without differentiating between individuals based on religion, ethnic background, or political ideology. 

2) Samar Al Jahmi: Samar's entire experience can be summarized as that of a victim of a very corrupt government. In 2003, Samar's cousin was killed by her husband who avoided imprisonment by bribing the judges. Prior to that, in 1994, her father (who was an immigrant) lost  a home he purchased in Al-Asbahi when the housing program was given to other individuals. Although Samar lives in Saudi Arabia, she helped the revolution by participating on websites and forums. Ofcourse, her dream is to improve Yemeni law in the future.

3) Sarah Al-Maqtari: Sarah is a radio host on FMShabab (FM Youth) and is the epitome of a nationalist. She feels betrayed by the government that failed to provide services to its humiliated population. Furthermore, Sarah was active on twitter, reporting to the world what happened on ground during the Yemeni revolution. She fears that the revolution maybe hijacked in the future by other groups who do not care about the future of the youth. 

4) Shatha Al-Harazi: Shatha reports a story of meeting the former Yemeni president, Saleh, and asking him to "leave" infront of his face. She is a reporter that worked with Yemen Times. Shatha portrayed the revolution as a humanist movement. During her life, Shatha lived under a dictatorship (Saudi), a democracy (UK), and a false democracy (Egypt) and she believes that she has the right to change the world that she lives in. She hopes to live in a world where individuals within a political system are not treated like divine beings. (FYI: Shatha Al-Harazi is one of the recipients of the Vital Voices Global Leadership Award for 2012). 

5) Manal Al-Hammadi: Manal, a mother and an employee at the Global Fund against AIDS, has been a life long opposer of Saleh's regime. She has actively participated in the protests and engaged in dialogues with various groups. Manal fears that after the revolution unqualified personalities would rise to power. One of her biggest concerns is the economic recovery and the rebuilding of the Yemeni infrastructure. 

6) Ashwaq Al-Rabi'ey: Ashwaq is an administrative employee and a translator. She presented the news to the world in the English language and helped educate protestors about the use of social media during protests. She fears that political parties in Yemen would alter the objectives of the revolution and is proud that Yemeni population finally acquired the self-confidence need to demand a better life. She wishes reform in order to combat corruption. 

7) Basma Abdulfatah: Basma is a PhD. student who opposed Saleh's government due to its militaristic style. She argues that there was too much power in the hands of certain individuals. Basma helped take photographs of the protestors and is very optimistic about the future of Yemen; due to the revolution's cooperative ambience. 

8) Nadia Mor'ai: Nadia is a poet, journalist, and teaching assistant. She supported the revolution because it provided a peaceful exist to all the corruption and a hope for a new democratic beginning. Nadia participated in the protests, continuously updated her facebook, marched with women in opposition and recited poetry that she wrote on the revolution of 2011.