tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-22472798339497023272024-03-20T16:05:09.591-07:00Yemen-iaty: Yemen SimplifiedYemen Simplified. Yemeniaty.comhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/05297596596596215960noreply@blogger.comBlogger69125tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2247279833949702327.post-32974736923194078742014-04-08T06:06:00.001-07:002014-04-08T06:21:30.799-07:00Praising Yemen’s Transition as a Good Model Misses Facts <div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<a href="http://www.thenational.ae/thenationalconversation/comment/praising-yemens-transition-as-a-good-model-misses-facts" target="_blank"><br /></a></div>
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<span itemprop="author" itemscope="" itemtype="http://schema.org/Person" style="font-size: 12px; margin: 0px;"><a href="http://www.thenational.ae/thenationalconversation/comment/praising-yemens-transition-as-a-good-model-misses-facts" target="_blank">The National </a></span></div>
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<span itemprop="author" itemscope="" itemtype="http://schema.org/Person" style="font-size: 12px; margin: 0px;">Sama’a Al Hamdani</span></div>
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<span id="article_date_day" style="font-weight: bold;">February 26, 2014</span> </div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: x-small;">Last week, Yemenis simultaneously celebrated and protested to mark the third anniversary of the 2011 revolution. The country was then on the brink, but today it is applauded for having completed a “peaceful” transition. It is popularly portrayed as having undergone an ideal shift from dictatorship to democracy. The realities on the ground, however, tell a much different story. Whether the focus is on the nation’s extreme failures or exaggerated success, most of the narratives on Yemen are based on false assumptions. </span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: x-small;">Many of the actual atrocities happening in <a href="http://www.thenational.ae/world/yemen" style="color: #1578c9; text-decoration: none;">Yemen</a> are untold, and thousands traumatised by violence continue to tolerate severe injustices. Since August, Yemenis have stomached a whirlwind of new disasters seemingly synchronised with water and electricity outages. New sources of turmoil are materialising far more traumatic than bombs and the occasional exchange of gunfire.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: x-small;">During the revolution, Sanaa was divided into boroughs controlled by three main tribal figures who filled the void left by a fractured system of governance on the verge of dissolution. As a result of the transition’s mismanagement, the balance of power has shifted: other new players are successfully contesting state power.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: x-small;">In one month, a military hospital was targeted by <a href="http://www.thenational.ae/world/al-qaeda" style="color: #1578c9; text-decoration: none;">Al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula</a>, killing 52. Most of these individuals were civilian doctors and patients. In that time, a drone strike attacked a wedding convoy killing 17, three political figures were executed, prominent scholars have been threatened for their rhetoric, a liquefied natural gas site was attacked with rocket-propelled explosives, an influential Southern sheikh was gunned down at a military checkpoint, a car bomb exploded in the heart of Sanaa, and artillery shells hit a funeral for a Southern separatist in Ad-Dhale province.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: x-small;">Yemen is witnessing a deterioration of its already fragile social fabric, compounded by a breakdown of tribal norms. Foreigners are no longer the sole targets of kidnapping: children of notable businessmen are abducted, members of the national dialogue are held hostage and, more recently, women from prominent families are snatched to shame men.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: x-small;">Most governmental operations are interrupted, and airports and seaports are subject to random shutdowns due to protests.</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: x-small;">In the “democratic model” that has become Yemen, everyday life comes with a penalty.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: x-small;">In light of the clear absence of rule of law and the lack of accountability, Yemen has become the perfect realisation of Immanuel Kant’s “State of Barbarism”, a country managed and run by several guerrilla groups and individual leaders under the cover of government.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: x-small;">The message being sent, and understood, is that human life is cheap and victims are mere numbers. At any moment, anyone can be caught in a gun battle, and be considered collateral damage and no one will be held accountable.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: x-small;">Today, Yemenis are divided by faith, geography, ethnicity, political ideology and tribal affiliation – but they collectively suffer from anxiety, irritability, insecurity and depression. Yemenis are being pushed to the limit. Their silence and tolerance is docile.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: x-small;">Thousands of unemployed youth are sleep deprived, seeking refuge in mindless hours of qat-chewing to numb the reality of everyday hardship. Many wonder who will be killed in the future, and whether the frequency of random mindless will allow them to see another day. These thoughts are kept private while Yemenis attempt to live as normally as possible.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: x-small;">Those able to leave the country often claim they can “finally just breathe” or that they were ignorant of the “burdens” they carry. These fears are destroying Yemen’s psyche, and citizens are using them as justification to seek other forms of security in the absence of the rule of law.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: x-small;">There is a clear contrast between the marketed achievements signed behind closed doors, and the realities on the ground. Between these false narratives and the population’s unique case of surrender, things will get a lot worse before they get better. With several separatist movements, the strongest in the South, and the war in the North over authority and religious ideology, the population is at high risk of radicalisation.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: x-small;">Those who fought for a peaceful civil state in 2011 may use violence to revive the state.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: x-small;">Throughout the transition, the international community endorsed theoretical solutions prematurely in the pursuit of democracy. The sanctions that the UN Security Council produced yesterday could be a gamble during this critical period. Rather than deterring figures who are impeding the political transition, Charter VI can further promote chaos and overshadow non-political grievances.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: x-small;">Yet, there is hope: the world must recognise that Yemenis have legitimate aspirations. Yemenis need to separate themselves from the despair lingering from previous failures, and believe in self-determination. The government must be pressured, nationally and internationally, into providing justice to those who were victimised.</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: x-small;">Real solutions will only emerge when the realities on the ground are managed rather than provoked.</span><br />
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<i><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: x-small;">Sama’a Al Hamdani is a Yemeni researcher who lives in Washington DC and blogs at yemeniaty.com</span></i></div>
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Yemeniaty.comhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/05297596596596215960noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2247279833949702327.post-80733967328414746862014-04-08T05:58:00.001-07:002014-04-08T05:59:53.353-07:00Yemeni Artists Commemorate Victims of Suicide Attacks<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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Murad Subay paints graffiti depicting a grenade on a street in Sanaa, Jan. 9, 2014. The piece is part of a graffiti campaign against armed conflicts in Yemen. (photo by REUTERS/Khaled Abdullah)</div>
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<span class="title"><a href="http://www.al-monitor.com/pulse/originals/2014/03/yemen-artists-suicide-bomb-attack-victims.html" target="_blank">Almonitor </a>by</span><span style="font-size: 14px;"> </span><a href="http://www.al-monitor.com/pulse/contents/authors/samaa-al-hamdani.html" style="color: #0088cc; font-size: 14px; text-decoration: none;">Sama'a Al-Hamdani</a></div>
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<span class="title">Posted</span> March 19, 2014</div>
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The majority of the world remains unaware of the terrorist attack that rocked Sana'a last Dec. 5, beginning at 9 a.m. It targeted the al-Ourthi military hospital, on the grounds of the Ministry of Defense. This heinous act <a href="http://mohamedalabsi.blogspot.com/2013/12/blog-post_1969.html" style="color: #0088cc; text-decoration: none;" target="_blank">left 56 people dead</a>, the majority of them doctors, nurses and civilians. Thirty minutes after the attack, early footage of it was televised. Several hours and explosions later, news broke of Nelson Mandela's death, and the rest was forgotten to history. </div>
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<span style="font-size: 18px;">The next 24 hours were taxing. The public was left uninformed until the Supreme Security Committee (SSC) announced the</span><span style="font-size: 18px;"> </span><a href="http://www.msader-ye.net/muta1.php?d_no=279&no=271568" style="color: #0088cc; font-size: 18px; text-decoration: none;" target="_blank">findings of its investigation</a><span style="font-size: 18px;">. It revealed that 12 suicide bombers, most of them Saudi nationals, had committed a “terrorist act,” wounding 215 on top of those killed. The government hastily attempted to assuage the unnerved masses. First, it televised a five-minute, edited video of the attack. The images, as one might expect, generated collective</span><span style="font-size: 18px;"> </span><a href="http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=bD7wkSApnrw" style="color: #0088cc; font-size: 18px; text-decoration: none;" target="_blank">terror and panic</a><span style="font-size: 18px;">. They also created enough backlash to halt future replays. Second, it declared a nationwide minute of silence. Sadly, silence has been the symbolic and literal response of the government ever since.</span></div>
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Several months later, and in light of the government’s seeming lack of concern, a group of young Yemeni artists decided to commemorate the victims by drawing their faces and names on the walls of the al-Ourthi hospital. They collected 31 photos and 55 names at their own initiative. Two victims were never conclusively identified. To this day, there is no official record list of the names of all the victims. According to the artists who spoke to <em>Al-Monitor</em>, the Ministry of Defense declined their request to paint at the site of the attack just a day before the scheduled event. “Victims are everywhere,” they were told.</div>
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Undeterred, on March 6, the volunteers found a new location for their concept, which they named the 8th Hour. “Due to the absence of memorials, the 8th Hour is a kind of protest,” Murad Subay, a graffiti artist, informed <em>Al-Monitor</em>. In 2013, he launched the <a href="http://huff.to/1dt3aVm" style="color: #0088cc; text-decoration: none;" target="_blank">12 Hour Campaign</a>, a project to show through illustrations 12 <a href="http://www.al-monitor.com/pulse/originals/2014/03/yemen-government-commissions-ineffective.html" style="color: #0088cc; text-decoration: none;" target="_blank">major obstacles</a>, or “hours,” in the path of Yemenis. At the time, he did not anticipate that terrorism would be one of them.</div>
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After the Yemeni uprisings of 2011, the grip of the government on the state had continued to weaken. Exploiting the new state’s frailty, al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP) expanded its operations. Not only did the government fail to curb the group's influence, it repeatedly neglected to address the worries of the people.</div>
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On May 21, 2012, the first <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2nh5VgKPr58" style="color: #0088cc; text-decoration: none;" target="_blank">suicide bombing</a> in Sanaa took place and was dubbed the Sabeen massacre. The assassin targeted a rehearsal for a military parade, wounding 167 and killing more than 86 soldiers, 50 of whom died instantly. President <a href="http://www.al-monitor.com/pulse/originals/2014/03/yemen-president-security.html" style="color: #0088cc; text-decoration: none;" target="_blank">Abed Rabbo Mansour Hadi</a> immediately fired two generals, but the government then failed to develop a follow-up mechanism. No officials publicly commented on the event. The president spoke to the people through a TV anchor.</div>
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The president’s response after the 2013 hospital attack was almost indistinguishable from the one in 2012. This time, however, his silence was perceived from the start as a <a href="http://www.albaldnews.com/news5812.html" style="color: #0088cc; text-decoration: none;" target="_blank">lack of concern</a>, especially because he was rumored to have been at the hospital during the time of the attack. The government's inaction gave a wide berth to conspiracy theories. To this day, some people believe the al-Ourthi attack was a mere extension of the Houthi-Salafi war in the north.</div>
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Independent journalist Mohammed al-Absi took matters into his own hands and dedicated laborious hours to collecting evidence, photographs and accounts of survival from al-Ourthi. His reporting revealed that the Counterterrorism Unit, which responded to the attack, had been unaware that <a href="http://mohamedalabsi.blogspot.de/2013/12/giz.html" style="color: #0088cc; text-decoration: none;" target="_blank">suicide bombers</a> had dispersed themselves throughout the building. Even though the unit used excessive force, including six hours of tank fire, in the hope of killing the last terrorist standing, Absi found that the last bomber killed himself at 4 a.m. the next day.</div>
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Some of the details in Absi's expose on the government's inadequacy conflicted with the SSC’s investigation. He reported that nine suicide bombers had committed the crime rather than the 12 cited by the SSC. An official <a href="http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KCF8Sx1ghfQ" style="color: #0088cc; text-decoration: none;" target="_blank">AQAP </a><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KCF8Sx1ghfQ" style="color: #0088cc; text-decoration: none;" target="_blank">statement</a> eventually confirmed the number provided by Absi. Moreover, Absi indicated that the SSC report had misidentified three victims as terrorists, further highlighting problems with the government's fieldwork.</div>
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In the age of technology, the Sabeen and the al-Ourthi attacks were of course videotaped, leaving authorities little room to conceal their incompetence. In 2012, Mutee Dammaj, a member of Yemen’s Socialist Party, and several others demanded the creation of a telecast showcasing the humanitarian side of the deceased soldiers, Dammaj told <em>Al-Monitor</em>. Tawfeeq al-Sharabi, a national television filmmaker, ultimately produced a series on the lives of the deceased soldiers as recalled by their families. The show was canceled after one broadcast. A few months later, al-Sharabi quit his job.</div>
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In 2014, similar scenarios played out. While the government broadcast no more than a few minutes of al-Ourthi attack footage, Absi gathered 30 clips from 250 cameras available at the scene. He had hoped to produce a revealing documentary about the details of the attack, but, Absi told <em>Al-Monitor,</em> he was turned down by several channels due to a lack of funding or interest. He therefore uploaded the footage to YouTube as a <a href="http://youtu.be/U6JoWnA7FqU" style="color: #0088cc; text-decoration: none;" target="_blank">preview of what he aspires to document</a>.</div>
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The Yemeni government has still failed to generate a public response to terrorism aside from an aggressive drone policy. It has also shown little interest in exposing the operations of its declared enemy. Worst of all, the current government wasted significant leadership opportunities by simply relinquishing responsibility during such a critical period.</div>
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While the public remains ignorant or passive in the face of the uncertainty engendered by terrorism, the apathy and incompetence displayed by the government has created a space for an earnest and dynamic group of civil activists to publicly dissect this paramount issue. Today, the task of remembering and honoring hundreds of wasted lives lies solely on the shoulders of the citizens. The 8th Hour is a glimpse of hope in a bleak reality. It is a positive sign that Yemenis are not ready to yield to terror and <a href="http://www.al-monitor.com/pulse/originals/2014/03/yemen-political-divisions-revolution.html" style="color: #0088cc; text-decoration: none;" target="_blank">social chaos</a>.</div>
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Yemeniaty.comhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/05297596596596215960noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2247279833949702327.post-83638713124326488932013-10-12T18:04:00.001-07:002013-10-12T18:04:31.298-07:00Politics and the evolution of Takfeer in Yemen<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
Published on Oct. 12, 2013 on <a href="http://www.theatlanticpost.com/culture/politics-evolution-takfeer-yemen-4194.html" target="_blank">The Atlantic Post</a><br />
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<strong>By Sama’a Al-Hamdani and Afrah Nasser</strong></div>
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<em>I was declared an apostate at the end of April 2013 because of a political seminar on women’s empowerment hosted at my college in Taiz. In this gathering, I stated that Islam’s most stringent provisions – whether in the Qur’an or the Sunnah – are meant to refine rather than to terrorize. A radical cleric twisted my words and said that I called the Prophet Mohammed a liar and based on it, I was labeled a Kafir (apostate). - Sally Adeeb, age 21, law school student.</em></div>
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Since the overthrow in Yemen of former president Ali Abdullah Saleh in 2011, 11 people have been accused of apostasy (see chart 1 below) in the practice referred to as Takfeer. One of them, Jamal al-Junid, was detained by the police in May 2013 for 15 days and finally was released after the staging of several protests. Another accused “apostate” is Ahmed Al-Arami, a literature and arts lecturer who was labeled a “secularist” in April 2013 and subsequently fled the country because of serious threats and the possibility that he might be executed. The sensitivity of offending religion is a stumbling block in the quest to return Yemen to stability.</div>
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<strong>NDC and the Evolution of Takfeer</strong></div>
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Yemen’s National Dialogue Conference (NDC), which was launched in March 2013 and is part of a Gulf Cooperation Council plan for a negotiated transition for Yemen, has been targeted for accusations of apostasy by one of the country’s leading clerics. Abdul Majeed Al-Zindani, Yemen’s influential Muslim Brotherhood/Wahhabist cleric who is also listed as a “specially designated global terrorist” by the United States Treasury Department in 2004, recently released a YouTube video in which he condemned the current NDC political process. The video presentation discussed the framing of the state’s legislation being managed by “the State Building Committee” and claimed that the majority of the committee’s members had voted that Islam is “the state’s main source of legislation” instead of “the state’s only source of legislation.”</div>
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Al-Zindani is a non-official politician who influences the Yemeni masses by claiming the custodianship of the Shari’ah, or Islamic law. He established an non-profit religious university, Al-Iman, in 1993 and has claimed to have invented a cure for HIV/AIDS and to have found scientific proof that women cannot speak and remember at the same time.</div>
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In July 2013, Al-Zindani’s office, which is managed by his son, issued an official statement announcing the names of 37 NDC members who are allegedly “fighting Islam” and asserting that the named individuals “reject the Islamic Shari’ah and are the enemies of Islam.” The statement is believed to be a warrant and could become a Takfeer fatwa pointing to these aforementioned members as apostates. The action prompted an urgent press conference held by the NDC that condemned publication of the list or the issuance of any such destructive fatwas.</div>
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The dispute reflects not only the struggle for dominance between the traditional religious base and the newly-emerging civil power in the decision-making process; it is also a critical factor in the evolution of the nation’s potential new identity. As of yet, it remains uncertain whether or not Shari’ah will be the only source of legislation in Yemen.</div>
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Takfeer has long been a key tactic used by radical political Islam to silence its critics. Given its importance to Yemen’s ongoing transition, it is useful to look more closely at the nature of Takfeer in Yemen, who is mainly affected by it, who implements it and how it might be ended.</div>
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<strong>Chart 1: People Declared Apostates in Yemen since 2011 </strong></div>
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Name</div>
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Gender</div>
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Job</div>
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Date</div>
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Reason for Takfeer</div>
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Consequences/ Legal Action</div>
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Fikri Qassim</div>
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Male</div>
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Writer and playwright</div>
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Jan. 2012</div>
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Commenting about replacing Gods on Facebook</div>
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Death threats</div>
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Bushra Al Maqtari</div>
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Female</div>
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Journalist & novelist (YSP)</div>
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Jan. 2012</div>
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Controversial article</div>
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Legal suit</div>
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Mohsin ‘Ayed</div>
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Male</div>
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Journalist</div>
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Feb. 2012</div>
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For posting an intimate picture of him with his wife on Facebook</div>
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Death threats and wife asked for divorce after the fatwa</div>
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Mohammed Al-Saeidi</div>
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Male</div>
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Researcher and writer</div>
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Dec. 2012</div>
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Research on Qu’ran</div>
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Tried and found innocent after a huge pressure campaign</div>
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Samiah Al Aghbari</div>
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Female</div>
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YSP member & journalist</div>
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Feb. 2013</div>
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Speech on the death of Jar Allah Omar</div>
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Legal suit</div>
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Ahmed Al Soufi</div>
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Male</div>
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Writer</div>
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March 2013</div>
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Authoring a book that encourages infidelity</div>
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Received fatwa asking him to apologize; otherwise he’ll face death.</div>
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Sally Adeeb</div>
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Female</div>
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YSP member</div>
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April 2013</div>
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For comments on Sunnah and Qu’ran</div>
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Dropped</div>
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Jamal Al Junaid</div>
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Male</div>
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Employee at Yemen’s Justice Ministry</div>
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May 2013</div>
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Constant objection over corruption cases carried out by Islamist groups in the Ministry</div>
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Imprisoned for 15 days after a trial</div>
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Sulaiman Al Ahdal</div>
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Male</div>
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Lawyer</div>
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May 2013</div>
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Filing a lawsuit over looted land</div>
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Escaped prosecution after fleeing from Hudaidah city with his family</div>
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Ahmed Al Tares Al ‘Arami</div>
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Male</div>
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Lecturer, poet & critic</div>
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May 2013</div>
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Suggested a provocative reading-list for students</div>
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Escaped to Egypt after receiving death threats</div>
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Nabeel Saif Al Komaim</div>
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Male</div>
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Journalist</div>
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2013</div>
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Threatened to revoke nationality</div>
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<strong>What is Takfeer and Who Does It? </strong></div>
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Takfeer is the process of identifying and labeling a person an apostate from Islam. The objective of the process is to reprimand people who break fundamentalist norms, and it penalizes them on two levels. First, it publicly shames an individual by labeling him or her an “infidel” for “religious” purposes. Second, and on a more personal level, the individual becomes an “apostate” and his or her views are renounced as heresy. The “apostate” can be punished through social and/or legal ostracism, or even in some cases by execution through official or mob action. The Takfeer process effectively coerces the society to conform to a single ideology and is a means of enforcing a certain “norm.” Ultimately, the objective is to restrict creation of a pluralistic society.</div>
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The incidence of Takfeer is wholly political and can be traced back to the Abbasid Caliphate, where the targets were primarily influential thinkers, writers and philosophers, such as Al-Tabari, Ibn Sina (Avicenna) and Ibn Rushd (Averroes).</div>
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The modern Takfeeri movement tends to target marginalized individuals and women, because the wealthy and influential elements in the society tend to use the process themselves as a means of maintaining their position.</div>
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Declaring women infidels is not a new trend in the Middle East and is not unique to Yemen. For example, in Egypt, there was Nawal Al Saadawi and in Kuwait Laila Al Othman and Aliyah Al-Shouaib, among many others. The recent Takfeer attacks in Yemen have not been against corrupt individuals who were economically powerful or belonged to an affluent tribe. Marginalized groups and women simply constitute the easiest targets to be attacked.</div>
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The main centers of impetus for Takfeer have been the Hanbali school of Sunni Islam associated with, but not necessarily endorsed by, the Muslim Brotherhood and the Wahhabist faction (commonly referred to as Salafism). Salafism is a Sunni movement that calls for the practice of Islam in the way that the Salaf (“predecessors” or “ancestors”) did. Technically, both Muslim Brotherhood and Wahhabis are Salafis; however, in the Arab world, the term Salafi usually refers to Wahhabis only. In Yemen, the Muslim Brotherhood and Salafis are at times grouped together due to the lack of general understanding of their differences and to their resemblance in political perspectives.</div>
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Most Takfeeris belong to either one of these two factions, but it is essential to note that not all Muslim Brotherhood members or Wahhabis endorse the practice. In fact, several imams have denounced the Takfeer process as unethical; for example, the late Yemeni Islamic scholar, Muhammad al-Shawkani, who had supported Takfeer in his early years as a scholar, subsequently recanted and issued public condemnations of it. Another contemporary and moderate Islamic scholar, Habib Ali al-Jifri, also condemns Takfeer.</div>
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<strong>What Do Takfeeris Want?</strong></div>
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As it is often a reflection of the nation’s underlying political trends, Takfeer is frequently an evolving process. It is primarily a means of keeping people’s attitudes in check through the manipulation of public opinion; as Takfeeris long for a theocratic state, the process of Takfeer, especially in a transitional situation such as now exists in Yemen, is likely to be reactionary rather than progressive.</div>
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During Yemen’s Revolution in March 2011, Yemeni radical cleric Abdulmajeed Al Zindani stated, “The revolutions happening in the Arab world are introductions to establishing an Islamic Caliphate.”</div>
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A modern day Caliphate would be a centralized religious dictatorship. Advocates such as Al Zindani are seeking to influence, dominate and restrain the masses. They romanticize and glorify the time of the caliphates and use propaganda to tarnish the prospect of a civil state by claiming it would corrupt faith. Takfeeris are radicals who reject compromise and claim to hold absolute truths through the exploitation of religion.</div>
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As is true of other Takfeeri groups in the Middle East, Yemeni Takfeeris seek to change and dominate the “norms” of the societies in which they operate. Takfeeris exhibit their political and religious affiliations through outward appearances such as dress and social rituals and attempt to force these on society as norms.</div>
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For instance, Yemeni women no longer wear colorful dresses but instead are covered in black. Women who do not follow this norm are easily identified and could be targeted. Such an obvious outward expression of adherence allows the group to measure its success: the more people comply to the uniform, the more authority they gain. This distinction facilitates an impression of greater cohesion. In turn, the Takfeeris have successfully created a binary community in Yemen where people are divided into “us” versus “them.”</div>
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Takfeer also is a means of suppressing dissent and effectively silencing the “enemy.” In a pious society such as Yemen’s, once God is added to the equation, individuals of faith are fearful to stand on the opposing side. The innate injustice of this situation is expressed in the quintessential proportionality argument; bringing God into a political or an ideological argument is equivalent to fighting a defenseless village with machine guns.</div>
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<strong>Takfeer in Yemen</strong></div>
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Historically, Takfeer in Yemen has not been limited to Sunni Islam. The earliest record of mass-Takfeer traces to 1205 CE when the Zaydi (Shi’a) Imam Abdullah Bin Hamza declared as apostates a faction of Zaydis known as Al-Matrifiyah, an action that precipitated a bloody massacre in the governorate of ‘Amran in 1213 (610 Hijri).</div>
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The use of mass-Takfeer against political opponents was more recently on display during Yemen’s Civil War of 1994, when Al Zindani and ِAbdulwahab Al Dailami, Minister of Justice during Yemen’s Civil War in 1994, invoked it to legitimize war against secessionists.</div>
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Al Dailami issued a fatwa to that effect, and went so far as to legitimize the killing of civilians, accusing them of being weak Muslims for allowing the secessionists to be “shoved” among them.</div>
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Al-Dailami’s fatwa against people in Yemen’s south during the 1994 Civil War is considered one of the causes of the killing of thousands of people in the south. In the post-war era, Al-Dailami and Al-Zindani denied that they had issued any fatwa during that war.</div>
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Years later, during Sa’dah’s string of six wars that began in 2004, the beliefs and practices of the Houthis (now called Ansar Allah) were questioned, and some clerics labeled Zaydis as heretics.</div>
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During Ali Abdullah Saleh’s rule (1978-2012), the Takfeeri movement targeted not only political opponents, but also journalists, artists and writers, as well as anyone else who had the potential to influence people’s minds (see timeline below for detailed information). Most of the Takfeeri fatwas issued in Yemen over the past 33 years were mandated by Wahhabi clerics.</div>
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The declaration of women as apostates is often part of the larger “us” versus “them” mentality; women who refuse to adhere to the Takfeeri dress uniform of a very conservative veil (norm) are considered “western” and therefore associated with the enemy (them). Also, women who do not adhere to the prescribed doctrines governing female behavior are considered “anti-social” to conservative norms.</div>
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Women facing Takfeer frequently are independent thinkers and are likely to have closer ties to youth movements rather than being associated with traditional political parties. The objectives of such women are usually wider than merely fighting marginalization and extend to the sort of defamation and baseless threats that are usually a part of being singled out as an apostate.</div>
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For their part, Takfeeris tend to view women as a homogenous group. Inspired by the domino theory, Takfeeris believe that if one woman leader is terrorized, other emerging women leaders would become silent. The same theory applies to other marginalized groups.</div>
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<strong>Acceptance of Takfeer </strong></div>
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In the past 20 years, Yemenis have experienced a crisis of governance and have come to consider Takfeeri movements as a shift from the former regime, a lesser of two evils. Moreover, religious groups were the only opposition entities allowed to operate freely under Saleh’s regime, which saved him from being targeted as an “enemy of Islam.”</div>
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Operating in such a relatively free environment for the past 23 years, the Takfeeri groups have had plenty of time to assimilate into Yemeni society, and their level of organization has been enhanced as well by funding received from individuals residing in Saudi Arabia. Unlike other political movements in the country, their ideology is easy to articulate and powerful. The current transitional period in Yemen offers a fertile ground for their continued rise to power.</div>
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The increasing prominence of Takfeeris reflects a concomitant deterioration of <em>ijtihad</em>, the process of independent reasoning within Shari’ah, or Islamic law. It also highlights the domination of Sunni Takfeeri trends in the nation’s intellectual milieu and hints at an underlying confusion (because of the fragile religious scholarship in the country) in the ability to distinguish between what is <em>‘Aib</em>(disgraceful/dishonorable) and what is <em>Haram</em> (forbidden/taboo).</div>
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Indoctrination, ignorance and political aspiration are the main reasons that Yemenis accept the process of Takfeer. Illiteracy in Yemen is 40 percent (around 70 percent for women) and the population depends heavily on the guidance of jurists. In the last two decades, Yemen gave precedence to Al ‘Ilm Bil Deen (religious studies) over Al ‘Ilm Bil Donya (scientific and technical studies). Yemeni society remains interdependent and it is easy to gain public support. Others fear being labeled irreligious. It is important to remember that most Tafkeeris genuinely believe they are carrying out God’s wishes on earth.</div>
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Takfeeris should be made aware that declaring people apostates will silence some individuals but is not a long-term solution of eliminating all opposition. The practice of Takfeer has no roots to the time of the Prophet Muhammad. Muslims and Islamists will benefit from a message that Islam is a tolerant and a rational religion. Atonement was and should be an option for “sinners,” especially when the sin is narrowly defined by a particular sect. Yemen desperately needs an Islamic critique on the use of Takfeer.</div>
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It is also essential that human rights, and especially those for women, be codified in the new Yemeni constitution. Members of the National Dialogue need to ensure that future jurists selected for the drafting process are aware of the need for a detailed consideration of people’s rights of expression to prevent future strife.</div>
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Shari’ah is presently the only source of legislation in Yemen. If this simplistic and vaguely defined body of law remains, it will be important to identify which schools of Islamic law will be followed and the specific jurists who will be issuing fatwas. Strict criteria also will be required on who can be an Islamic jurist in the future (perhaps graduates of Al-Azhar University or those who hold a Ph.D. or M.A. in Islamic studies). All of this needs to be done without restricting Yemen’s Islamic diversity.</div>
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Finally, mandatory education must be enforced to help individuals make informed decisions. The Yemeni educational system, which is currently being revamped, needs to give equal importance to scientific education (learned knowledge over memorized knowledge). More importantly, the people need to be aware of the influence of religious imperialism from Saudi Arabia, Iran, Qatar, Egypt and Turkey. When it comes to governance, people need to understand that there are modes of governance other than religious orthodoxy or failed “democracy.”</div>
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<em>Sama’a Al-Hamdani writes the blog Yemeniaty, which covers a range of topics on Yemen, focusing specifically on women’s issues. You can follow her @Yemeniaty.</em><br /><em>Afrah Nasser is a blogger from Yemen living in Sweden and co-founder of the @YemeniSalon in Stockholm.</em></div>
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Yemeniaty.comhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/05297596596596215960noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2247279833949702327.post-55592304682988582922013-10-12T17:57:00.000-07:002013-10-12T17:58:06.568-07:00حصة المرأة: هل هي نجاح للمجتمع الدولي أم للمرأة اليمنية؟<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="background-color: #fefefe; color: #73737c; font-family: Riyaz; font-size: 16px; line-height: 20px; text-align: right;">نشرت المقالة في <a href="http://fikraforum.org/?p=3853&lang=ar" target="_blank">منتدى فكرة</a></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #fefefe; color: #73737c; font-family: Riyaz; font-size: 16px; line-height: 20px; text-align: right;">في 15 سبتمبر/أيلول، كتب الرئيس اليمني عبد ربه منصورهادي مقالته الافتتاحية الأولى له على الإطلاق على أمل طمأنة الشعب اليمني حول تقدم المرحلة السياسية الحالية. و</span><a href="http://www.yementimes.com/en/1711/opinion/2887/Distancing-the-past-for-a-brighter-and-democratic-future.htm?lang=ar" style="background-color: #fefefe; border: 0px; color: #0072bc; font-family: Riyaz; font-size: 14px; line-height: 20px; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-align: right; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;">المقال</a><span style="background-color: #fefefe; color: #73737c; font-family: Riyaz; font-size: 16px; line-height: 20px; text-align: right;">الذي نُشر في مجلة التايمز اليمنية والمتاح فقط باللغة الإنجليزية يبرز دور المرأة أثناء المرحلة الانتقالية ويثني على وضع المرأة في اليمن. والأهم من ذلك أن الرئيس يدعم بشكل غير مباشر حصة الـ 30% المقترحة، حيث يقول "لضمان سماع تلك الأصوات، عقد تحالف جديد للنساء المؤثرات مؤتمراً صحفياً اليوم لتأييد الدعم الوطني لتخصيص حصة 30 بالمائة على الأقل لتمثيل المرأة في جميع فروع الحكومة".</span><br />
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<span style="background-color: #fefefe; color: #73737c; font-family: Riyaz; font-size: 16px; line-height: 20px; text-align: right;">وبدون شك فإن مشاركة المرأة في مؤتمر الحوار الوطني كانت قوية حيث تمثل المرأة 28% تقريباً من جميع المشاركين. كما ترأست المرأة ثلاث من لجان العمل التسع. فضلاً عن أنهن شكلن تحالفات داخل مؤتمر الحوار وخارجه لقيادة حقوق المرأة، ورغم كل هذه الجهود، إلا أنه تعذر الوصول إلى قرار بالإجماع بخصوص حصة الـ 30%. وبغض النظر عن ذلك، يبدو أن مؤتمر الحوار الوطني في اليمن سيوافق على حصة الـ 30% للمرأة في جميع فروع الحكومة الثلاثة، لكن هل هذا النجاح يرجع إلى الجهود الدؤوبة من جانب المرأة اليمنية، أم أنه يهدف إلى جعل اليمن تبدو وكأنها أكثر ديمقراطية؟</span><br />
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<span style="background-color: #fefefe; color: #73737c; font-family: Riyaz; font-size: 16px; line-height: 20px; text-align: right;">رغم أن مشاركة المرأة في مؤتمر الحوار الوطني مُلفته للانتباه، إلا أن الحوار يظل منفصلاً تماماً عن حقائق المرأة اليمنية على الأرض. لا تزال العملية الانتقالية، التي كان من المقرر لها أن تنتهي في 18 سبتمبر/أيلول، تلقى دعماً قوياً من المجتمع الدولي. وهذا يسترعي سؤالاً حول مدى النجاح المحتمل للعملية على المدى الطويل إذا كان الهدف هو تحقيق القبول الدولي مقارنة بالمشاركة الحقيقية والتأثير على الأرض.</span><br />
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<strong style="background-color: #fefefe; border: 0px; color: #73737c; font-family: Riyaz; font-size: 16px; line-height: 20px; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-align: right; vertical-align: baseline;"><em style="background-color: transparent; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; border: 0px; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">حصة الـ30%</em></strong><br />
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<span style="background-color: #fefefe; color: #73737c; font-family: Riyaz; font-size: 16px; line-height: 20px; text-align: right;">بحسب متطلبات العملية التي يقودها مؤتمر الحوار الوطني، يجب أن تحظى أي مادة في المرحلة الأولية بـ 90% من الأصوات بين اللجان من أجل الموافقة عليها، وإلا فإنه سيتم إرسالها إلى لجنة توفيق الآراء، التي تأسست للإشراف على عملية الحوار من أجل الحفاظ على الانسجام. وإذا قامت لجنة توفيق الآراء بتعديل المادة وإعادتها إلى اللجان، فيجب أن تحصل على موافقة بنسبة 75% وإلا سيتم إعادتها مرة أخرى إلى الهيئة الإشرافية. وأخيراً، يجب الموافقة على مسودة معدلة بنسبة 55% من اللجان. وإذا لم توافق عليها اللجان، فسوف تتخذ لجنة توفيق الآراء ورئيس الحوار القرار النهائي حول ما إذا كان سيتم المضي قدماً في هذه المادة أم لا.</span><br />
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<span style="background-color: #fefefe; color: #73737c; font-family: Riyaz; font-size: 16px; line-height: 20px; text-align: right;">تجتمع لجان بناء الدولة والحكم الرشيد والحقوق والحريات في مؤتمر الحوار الوطني لمناقشة حصة المرأة، وسوف تتطلب حال الموافقة عليها أن يكون 30% من المسؤولين من النساء عبر جميع فروع الحكومة. وقد كانت لجنة بناء الدولة هي اللجنة الوحيدة التي تمكنت من الموافقة المطلوبة بنسبة إجماع 90%، رغم أن هذا كان يرجع فقط إلى حقيقة أن بعض الأعضاء حجبوا أصواتهم على افتراض أن ذلك سوف يخفض من معدل الإجماع. لم تصل اللجنتان السابقتان إلى معدل الأصوات المطلوب، لذا فإنه بحسب إجراءات الحوار، فإن الأمر أُحيل إلى لجنة توفيق الآراء قبل أغسطس/آب. وفي ذلك الوقت، كان من المنطقي افتراض أن الموضوع سوف يُعاد إلى اللجان العاملة حيث سيتعين على النساء تشكيل تحالفات والعمل بجد للحصول على الإجماع المطلوب بنسبة 75% للموافقة على المادة.</span><br />
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<span style="background-color: #fefefe; color: #73737c; font-family: Riyaz; font-size: 16px; line-height: 20px; text-align: right;">وإذا كان للنساء والجماعات الشبابية أن يوحدن أصواتهن للفوز بالإجماع في اللجان، يرجح أن النسبة التي سيحصلون عليها ستقل عن المطلوب ولن يحصلوا سوى على 50%. ومن هناك، سيكون من الصعب للغاية الفوز بنسبة الأصوات المتبقية، لا سيما بالنظر إلى أن الكثيرين من الرجال الذين أعلنوا تأييدهم لحصة الـ30% رفضوها لاحقاً عندما جاء وقت التصويت. عارضت السلطات التقليدية في اليمن علانية فكرة تخصيص حصة 30% للمرأة، بل إن الأحزاب "الليبرالية" في اليمن اختارت حصة 15% بدلاً من نسبة الـ 30% المقترحة. غير أنه بعد المقال الافتتاحي للرئيس، غيَّر العديد من أعضاء الأحزاب المشاركين في الحوار من لهجتهم. ثم وافقت لجنة توفيق الآراء على أنه ينبغي تمثيل المرأة في جميع الهيئات الحكومية الثلاثة، ومن ثم أرجأت مناقشة حصة المرأة إلى حين عقد الجلسة العامة النهائية.</span><br />
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<span style="background-color: #fefefe; color: #73737c; font-family: Riyaz; font-size: 16px; line-height: 20px; text-align: right;">تستند حصة المرأة إلى فكرة أنها سوف تُحسِّن من مشاركة المرأة في الحكم، بما يعزز قضايا المرأة، من خلال منهج تنازلي من أعلى لأسفل. أولاً، يقوم هذا على افتراض أن تحديد حصة الـ 30% للمرأة يضمن أنه سيتم تنفيذها، بينما في الواقع لا توجد أي ضمانات بأن هذا سيحدث. ثم هناك افتراض بأن النساء اللواتي وقع عليهن الاختيار أو تم انتخابهن سوف يقدِّمن حقوق المرأة على الأجندة السياسية لأحزابهن والسؤال الحقيقي هو ما إذا كانت هذه الحصة سوف تصنع فارقاً فعلياً وتحدث نقلة في الأوضاع المتدهورة لصحة المرأة ومعدلات الأمية والبطالة والوضع الاقتصادي. من المؤكد أنها تستطيع فعل ذلك، لكن يُشترط لذلك عمل النساء المشتغلات بالسياسة والموظفين الحكوميين بجد من أجل إنجاز هذه الحقوق.</span><br />
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<span style="background-color: #fefefe; color: #73737c; font-family: Riyaz; font-size: 16px; line-height: 20px; text-align: right;">يقول العديد من الرجال إن النساء غير جاهزات لنسبة الـ 30% نظراً لقلة عددهن، سواء بسبب التعليم أو الخبرة المهنية. بيد أن هذه الحُجة غير صحيحة. فالعديد من المسؤولين الذكور يشغلون مناصبهم بسبب روابطهم الاجتماعية وليس بسبب مؤهلاتهم. والحجة الأخرى هي أن نسبة الـ 30% هي حصة مرتفعة جداً، لا سيما وأن الرجال هم العائلون الأساسيون لعائلاتهم. وهذه الحُجة ضعيفة كذلك لأن الأرقام أظهرت أن النساء اللواتي يكسبن المزيد من المال ينفقن ثروتهن على عوائلهم. وعلاوة على ذلك، إذا اعتنق اليمن الفيدرالية، سوف تؤدي الحكومات المحلية الجديدة إلى خلق المزيد من المناصب والفرص وبهذا لن "يسرق" النساء أي من الوظائف المتاحة.</span><br />
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<span style="background-color: #fefefe; color: #73737c; font-family: Riyaz; font-size: 16px; line-height: 20px; text-align: right;">هناك تخوف بأن الحصة لن تُطبق وبأن النساء اللواتي يقع عليهن الاختيار من خلال الحصة سوف يعززن من أجندة أحزابهن وليس أجندة المرأة. وعلى كل حال، من المحتمل أن تكون حصة الـ 30% تهيئ المشهد لفشل المرأة اليمنية، لكن هذه مخاطرة ينبغي للمرأة اليمنية الإقدام عليها.</span><br />
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<span style="background-color: #fefefe; color: #73737c; font-family: Riyaz; font-size: 16px; line-height: 20px; text-align: right;">لقد عملت المرأة اليمنية بجد منذ أوائل تسعينيات القرن الماضي من أجل كسب كافة الحقوق التي نالتها. وفي حال الموافقة على الحصة، ينبغي للمرأة استخدامها لمصلحتها كفرصة لمواصلة العمل الجيد نحو تحسين أوضاع المرأة في المجتمع. إن حصة المرأة ليست الحل الوحيد، لكنها إحدى الطرق العديدة التي تستطيع من خلالها المرأة التأثير على السياسات. وللأسف، كان يُنظر إلى المرأة اليمنية في عام 2011 باعتبارها رمزاً للتغيير الديمقراطي في انتفاضة 2011 اليمنية، لكن لم يجري مخاطبتهن على الفور كفاعلين جادين في العملية السياسية. وإذا كان المجتمع الدولي والحكومة اليمنية ينظران إلى حصة المرأة باعتبارها معياراً رئيسياً "لنجاح" العملية الانتقالية السياسية الحالية بدون أي التزام جاد لدعم تنفيذها، فإن الحصة، شأنها شأن الحوار، ستكون مجرد عملية تشمل الفئات العليا من المجتمع ولن يكون لها تأثير فعلي على الأرض.</span><br />
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Yemeniaty.comhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/05297596596596215960noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2247279833949702327.post-65878284049917615172013-10-12T17:54:00.000-07:002013-10-12T17:54:01.398-07:00Yemen’s Quota: Success for International Community or Yemeni Women?<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<span style="background-color: #fefefe;"><span style="font-family: Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 14px; line-height: 20px;">This article was originally </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: x-small;"><span style="line-height: 20px;">published</span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 14px; line-height: 20px;"> through </span></span><a href="http://fikraforum.org/?p=3850" style="font-family: Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; line-height: 20px;" target="_blank">Fikra Forum</a><span style="font-family: Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 14px; line-height: 20px;"> on Sept. 27, 2013</span></span></span><br />
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<span style="background-color: #fefefe; font-family: Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; line-height: 20px;">On September 15, Yemeni President Abdu Rabu Mansour Hadi wrote his first-ever op-ed in hopes of reassuring the Yemeni people of the current political transition’s progress. The </span><a href="http://www.yementimes.com/en/1711/opinion/2887/Distancing-the-past-for-a-brighter-and-democratic-future.htm" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgb(252, 215, 0); background-color: #fefefe; border: 0px; color: #0072bc; font-family: Georgia; font-size: 12px; line-height: 20px; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;">article</a><span style="background-color: #fefefe; font-family: Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; line-height: 20px;">, published in Yemen Times and available only in English, highlights the role of women during the transition and praises the status of women in Yemen. More importantly, the President indirectly endorses the proposed 30% quota; he writes, “To ensure these voices are heard, a new coalition of influential women held a press conference today advocating for national support for at least, a 30 percent quota for female [representation] in all branches of government.”</span><br style="background-color: #fefefe; font-family: Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; line-height: 20px;" /><br style="background-color: #fefefe; font-family: Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; line-height: 20px;" /><span style="background-color: #fefefe; font-family: Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; line-height: 20px;">Without a doubt, women’s participation in the National Dialogue Conference (NDC) has been powerful, with women representing almost 28% of all participants. Female representatives chaired three of the nine working committees. They also formed alliances within and outside the dialogue to champion women’s rights; yet in spite of these efforts, they could not reach a unanimous decision regarding the 30% quota. Regardless, it appears that Yemen’s NDC will pass the 30% quota for women in all three branches of the government, but is this success due to the persistent efforts of Yemeni women, or is it in order to make Yemen look more democratic?</span><br style="background-color: #fefefe; font-family: Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; line-height: 20px;" /><br style="background-color: #fefefe; font-family: Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; line-height: 20px;" /><span style="background-color: #fefefe; font-family: Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; line-height: 20px;">While the participation of women in the NDC is impressive, the dialogue remains completely detached from the realities of Yemeni women on the ground. The transitional process, which was meant to conclude on September 18, continues to be strongly supported by the international community. This begs the question of how successful the process is likely to be in the long term if its goals are achieving international approval as opposed to true engagement and impact on the ground.</span><br style="background-color: #fefefe; font-family: Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; line-height: 20px;" /><br style="background-color: #fefefe; font-family: Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; line-height: 20px;" /><em style="background-color: #fefefe; border: 0px; font-family: Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; line-height: 20px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">The 30% Quota </em><br style="background-color: #fefefe; font-family: Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; line-height: 20px;" /><br style="background-color: #fefefe; font-family: Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; line-height: 20px;" /><em style="background-color: #fefefe; border: 0px; font-family: Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; line-height: 20px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"></em><span style="background-color: #fefefe; font-family: Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; line-height: 20px;">According to the NDC process requirements, at the initial stage, an article must receive 90% of the vote among the committees in order to pass; otherwise it is sent to the Consensus Committee, which was established to oversee the dialogue process in order to maintain harmony. If the Consensus Committee modifies the article and sends it back to the committees, it must then receive 75% approval or it is returned again to the overseeing body. Finally, a modified draft must be passed by 55% of the committees. If it is not passed by the committees, the Consensus Committee and the dialogue president make the final decision on whether or not to move forward with the article.</span><br style="background-color: #fefefe; font-family: Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; line-height: 20px;" /><br style="background-color: #fefefe; font-family: Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; line-height: 20px;" /><span style="background-color: #fefefe; font-family: Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; line-height: 20px;">The State Building, Good Governance, and Rights and Freedoms committees in the NDC all convened to discuss the women’s quota, which, if passed, would require 30% of officials to be women across all branches of government. The State Building Committee was the only committee that managed to pass the initial required 90% consensus, though this was only due to the fact that some members withheld their vote on the assumption that it would lower the consensus rate. The other two committees did not reach the required votes so, according to dialogue procedures, the matter was transferred to the Consensus Committee before August. At that time, it was reasonable to assume that the subject would be transferred back to the working committees where women would have to form alliances and work hard to get the required 75% consensus to pass the article.</span><br style="background-color: #fefefe; font-family: Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; line-height: 20px;" /><br style="background-color: #fefefe; font-family: Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; line-height: 20px;" /><span style="background-color: #fefefe; font-family: Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; line-height: 20px;">If the women and the youth groups were to unite their votes to win consensus in the committees, they would still likely fall short with only 50%. From there, it would be extremely challenging to gain the remaining required votes, especially considering that several men who publicly endorsed the 30% quota later rejected it when it was time to vote. The traditional powers in Yemen publicly opposed the idea of a 30% quota, and even the “liberal” parties of Yemen opted for a 15% quota rather than the proposed 30%. However, after the president’s op-ed, several party members in the dialogue shifted their tone. The Consensus Committee then agreed that women should be represented in all three bodies of the government, thereby postponing the discussion of a women’s quota until the final plenary session.</span><br style="background-color: #fefefe; font-family: Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; line-height: 20px;" /><br style="background-color: #fefefe; font-family: Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; line-height: 20px;" /><em style="background-color: #fefefe; border: 0px; font-family: Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; line-height: 20px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Assessing the Quota</em><br style="background-color: #fefefe; font-family: Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; line-height: 20px;" /><br style="background-color: #fefefe; font-family: Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; line-height: 20px;" /><span style="background-color: #fefefe; font-family: Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; line-height: 20px;">The women’s quota is based on the idea that it will improve women’s participation in governance, thus advancing women’s issues, through a top-down approach. First, this is based on the assumption that the creation of a 30% quota for women ensures that it will be implemented, when in reality, there are no guarantees that this will occur. Then, there is the assumption that the women selected or elected will put women’s rights ahead of their party’s political agenda. The real question is whether or not this quota can truly make a difference in transforming the deteriorating conditions of women’s health, illiteracy rates, unemployment, and economic status. It certainly can, but only if women politicians and government employees work hard for these rights.</span><br style="background-color: #fefefe; font-family: Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; line-height: 20px;" /><br style="background-color: #fefefe; font-family: Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; line-height: 20px;" /><span style="background-color: #fefefe; font-family: Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; line-height: 20px;">Several men argue that women are not ready to have the 30% quota because too few women are qualified, either based on education or professional experience. This argument, however, is invalid. Many male officials are placed in their positions for their social connections rather than their qualifications. Another argument is that 30% is too high a quota, especially since men are the main providers for their families. This argument is also weak because figures have shown that women who make more money spend their wealth on their families. Furthermore, if Yemen embraces federalism, new local governments will lead to new positions and jobs so women will not “steal” any of the available jobs.</span><br style="background-color: #fefefe; font-family: Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; line-height: 20px;" /><br style="background-color: #fefefe; font-family: Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; line-height: 20px;" /><span style="background-color: #fefefe; font-family: Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; line-height: 20px;">There are two main legitimate concerns regarding the quota: first, that the quota will not be implemented; and second, that the women selected through the quota will promote their party’s agenda rather than a women’s agenda. In either case, it is possible that the 30% quota is setting Yemeni women up to fail, but it is a risk that Yemen’s women should be willing to take.</span><br style="background-color: #fefefe; font-family: Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; line-height: 20px;" /><br style="background-color: #fefefe; font-family: Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; line-height: 20px;" /><span style="background-color: #fefefe; font-family: Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; line-height: 20px;">Yemeni women have worked very hard since the early 1990s for every right that they have. If the quota is passed, then women should use it to their advantage as an opportunity to continue their good work of improving the status of women in society. The quota for women is not the only solution, but rather one of the many ways in which women can influence politics. Unfortunately, Yemeni women were seen as symbols of democratic change in the 2011 Yemeni uprising, but they have not so readily been approached as serious influencers of the political process. If the women’s quota is viewed by the international community and the Yemeni government as a primary benchmark of “success” of the current political transition without a serious commitment to supporting its implementation, the quota, like the dialogue, will merely be a process involving the upper echelons of society and will have no real impact on the reality on the ground.</span><br style="background-color: #fefefe; font-family: Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; line-height: 20px;" /><br style="background-color: #fefefe; font-family: Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; line-height: 20px;" /><em style="background-color: #fefefe; border: 0px; font-family: Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; line-height: 20px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Sama’a Al-Hamdani is a Yemeni researcher and writes on the blog Yemeniaty.com. You can follow her on Twitter @Yemeniaty.</em><em style="background-color: #fefefe; border: 0px; font-family: Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; line-height: 20px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"> </em></div>
Yemeniaty.comhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/05297596596596215960noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2247279833949702327.post-75646321811781844402013-08-26T12:00:00.002-07:002013-08-26T12:00:18.153-07:00نداء للمشاركات في مؤتمر الحوار، لتعزيز الكوتا "الحصة النسبية"<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<br class="Apple-interchange-newline" />نداء للمشاركات في مؤتمر الحوار، لتعزيز الكوتا "الحصة النسبية"</div>
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سماء خالد الهمداني</div>
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١٣ أغسطس ٢٠١٣</div>
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قبل بدء الحوارالوطني، ، توقعت في مقال سابق نشر في "برنامج التدريب الدولي لإدارة الصراعات" أن المرأة اليمنية ستجد صعوبة في تحديد أولوياتها. هل هي ناشطة نسوية أو سياسية أولا؟ مع كل التحديات الملحة التي تواجه اليمن، هل ستهمل قضايا المرأة؟ في اعتقادي ان المرأة اليمنية لم تستعد جيدا لترتيب مطالبها في وقت مبكر، ونحن الآن على بعد شهر واحد فقط من نهاية الحوار ولم تنجح المشاركات في وضع جدول عمل مشترك لمناصرته في لجان العمل التسع. الآن وفي الشهر الاخير، ستضطرالمشاركات للنضال من أجل معركة كبرى، وهي حصة الثلاثين بالمائة بنسبة في الهيئات التشريعية والتنفيذية والقضائية وحتى في مواقع اتخاذ القرار في الأحزاب السياسية.</div>
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في الأسبوع الأول من أغسطس، حضرت مؤتمرا للنساء المشاركات في الحوار الوطني، والذي أعد بالمشاركة بين منظمة فريدريش إيبرت والامم المتحدة. وسمعت من كثير من الحضور أن هذا الملتقى ليس بالوحيد الذي رتب من قبل مؤسسات دولية للمشاركات في الحوار و يبدو أن الأمم المتحدة تقوم باحتكار لقاءات النساء والشباب. بغض النظر، خلال هذا الحدث، قدم الدكتور فؤاد الصلاحي ورقة ممتازة عن حقوق المرأة في اليمن وأهدافها في الحوار الوطني. وكان الجانب السلبي الوحيد لهذا الحدث أن د. الصلاحي صرح بإنه لا يعتقد حقا بأن الحوار قادر على تحقيق الأهداف التي كتب عنها أوعن أي شيء اخر، فهو يشعر بأن نتائج الحوار قررت سلفا من قبل أفراد ذوي نفوذ وراء أبواب مغلقة.</div>
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بالرغم من ان المعلومات والفعالية كانتا مفيدتين للغاية، إلا ان أملي خاب لان الوثيقتة لم تتعامل مع معتقدات الباحث الشخصية وفهمت من سلوك الحاضرات أن الشك ينتابهن في قدرتهن على تحقيق أي شيء يذكر للمرأة. فيما بعد وفي حديث خاص، قالت لي واحدة من أبرز الحاضرين : "أتمنى أننا ناقشنا أساليب الضغط لفرض حصة ال ٣٠٪ أو اي من حقوق المرأة في الدستور". هكذا وباختصار، هذه المقالة هي عن الآليات والتكتيكات التي يمكن أن تستخدمها المرأة اليمنية في حوارها الوطني.</div>
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ليس من السر أن المرأة في الحوار الوطني هي في وضع غير مؤات بنسبة ٢٦٪ (وفي خارج الحوار ثلاث وزيرات من أصل خمسة وثلاثين، وامرأة برلمانية من أصل ٣٠١ برلماني). على الرغم من أن الحوار الوطني جار ، فان التعيينات الحالية لا تأخذ نسبة ال٣٠٪ للنساء بعين الاعتبار. ومن المرجح أن العديد من هؤلاء النساء قد يقفن إلى جانب سياسة أحزابهن والتصويت ضد حقوق المرأة لأنهن يفضلن أن يكن ساسة بدلا من ناشطات في مجال حقوق المرأة. ولكي تنجح المرأة، يجب على هذا المبدأ بالتغير. ومن الواضح أيضا، في هذه المرحلة من الحوار الوطني، أن الحوار لن يؤدي إلى تحقيق أي مصالحة أو إجراءات لحل مشاكل اليمن. نتيجة الحوار الوحيدة ستتمثل في شكل الحكومة والنظام الإنتخابي الجديد، بالاضافة الى دستور مفصل. مشكلة اليمن الرئيسية لم تكن قط في الدستورـ بل في تنفيذ القوانين - ومع ذلك فإنه لا يزال مهماته تحاول للنساء ضمان حقوق أفضل للمرأة في المستقبل في حالة بدء تنفيذ القوانين. في ظل هذا الجو السياسي الكئيب، لا اظن ان ثمة انجازات كبرى في انتظار المرأة ولكن إذا لم تستطع النساء الوصول لحصة الاناث، فإني سأدعو المرأة اليمنية لتثور على نفسها.</div>
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مشكلة النساء في اليمن (وكل المجموعات المستقلة أخرى) هي أنها ترفض القيادة.</div>
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ينظراليمنيون الى الفرد ويتفحصون معتقداته وفلسفته السياسية الكاملة، و إذا لم يتفقوا معه بشكل تام يرفضوا تأيده. هذا النهج بحاجة الى التغيير، فالنساء بحاجة إلى الجلوس معا والتفاوض والاتفاق العام ، فإن الاتفاق بالإجماع ليس ضروريا اذا تم اشراك الغالبية. وبدون ذلك، الباقي لا طائل منه.</div>
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عندما يتم تأمين اتفاق مبدأي على بعض النقاط الأساسية، يجب على النساء الانخراط في تحالفات ونسج شبكة للمرأة اليمنية تمتد إلى خارج مؤتمر الحوار وتغطي كافة انحاء اليمن.على الرغم من السياسات، والمواقع والمذاهب والمخاوف المختلفة، لا تزال المرأة موحدة من خلال نوع جنسها مما يسهل عملية الدمج بين الفئات المختلفة. وبعد تكوين التحالفات، يجب على المشاركات التركيز على أساليب خلق مواقف ايجابية من الشعب. اولا، يجب جمع التعاطفات فالفوز لا يأتي رخيصا. وكل حملة بحاجه الى المال ومن حسن حظ نساء اليمن فان الكثير من المنظمات يدعمن نطور النساء. لذا يجب على المشاركات البدء بجمع المال من الجهات المانحة الكبرىداخلية قبل الخارجية، ومن ثم جمع التبرعات الصغرى، مع الأخذ في الاعتبار أن الوقت بدأ ينفد.</div>
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يجب على النساء ممارسة الضغط على القواعد (أو الضغط بطريقة غير مباشرة) وهنا تطلب النساء من المجتمع الاتصال بالمسؤولين الحكوميين وأفراد المجتمع الذي يؤثرون سياسيا بشأن مسألة الكوتا. أبجديات الضغط تشمل كتابة رسائل إلى جميع المنظمات اللاربحية لإبلاغهم بخطط التحالف النسوي، وبإمكان المنظمات المساعدة في تنظيم حملة للمرأة وبدعمها من خارج البلاد. ويجب على المعنيات بالأمر القيام بالزيارات الشخصية للنساء في منازلهن في مختلف القرى والمحافظات (ويجب تحديد هدف الزيارة بدعم حقوق المرأة لا أكثر ) وباللبعد عن القضايا الايدولوجية والسياسية). وعندما تصبح المجموعة أكثر تنظيما، يجب محاولة لقاء رئيس الجمهورية لتقديم متطلبات المرأة في الحوار الوطني.</div>
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ما تحتاجه المرأة اليمنية الآن أكثر من أي وقت مضى هو حملة إعلامية على شبكة الإنترنت، وفي وسائل الإعلام التقليدية مثل التلفزيون والراديو. يجب ان تصاغ الاهداف خارج الجعجعة السياسية، وأن تكون مبادؤها مبسطة. وسيكون من المفيد إذا تم اختيار ثلاث ناطقات بإسم حركة المرأة للتواصل مع مختلف وسائل الإعلام بشكل منتظم وللتواصل مع الجماهير والشعب بشكل عام. وبعد ذلك فإنه من ألسهل جمع النساء لإحداث تأثير كبيرفي وقت لاحق، ويمكن استخدام اساليب مثل المقاطعة وحشد المظاهرات. المرأة الان بحاجة الى ادراك قوتها الاجتماعية واستخدامها لصالحها.</div>
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اما في داخل الحوار، تحتاج المرأة لاستخدام النداء الأخلاقي لتحقيق حصة ال٣٠٪ كطلب عادل. بسبب القوالب النمطية الثقافية في مجتمعنا الأبوي، نادرا ما تنجح المرأة في الانتخابات بناء على نوعها فقط وبغض النظر عن مؤهلاتها ويمكن تصحيح هذا الظلم عن طريق منح النساء حصة محددة من التمثيل في البرلمان. الهدف من التفاوض داخل الحوار هو الحصول على الرضا المتبادل ومناشدة شعور الآخرين للعدالة. تخصيص حصص للمرأة لا تصنع التميز، ولكنها تعوض عن حواجز فعلية في مجتمع لا يمنح المرأة نصيبها العادل من المقاعد السياسية. للنساء حق، كمواطنات ، إلى التمثيل المتساوي وهناك حاجة إلى تجاربهم في الحياة السياسية لضمان نجاح مستقبل اليمن على المدى الطويل. الحصة النسبية ضرورية لأن المرأة في وضع غير مؤات (الأغلبية أمية)، ولا يمكن اختيار النساء في الحكومة والاحزاب على أساس المؤهلات التعليمية - لأسباب كثيرة منها استبعاد المرأة العادية وتشجيع صنع حكومة نخبوية أخرى. الحصة النسبية هي عادلة لأنها توفر مقاعد للمرأة في حال اختيار نظام التمثيل النسبي في انتخابات اليمن القادمة.</div>
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استراتيجية أخرى هي استخدام "التغطيه" أو التعميم في الحديث عن حقوق مشاركة المرأة السياسية. هذا الاسلوب ابتكره الاطفال ومن اسهلهم استخداما. فالكثير من الدول العربية والمسلمة استخدمت الكوتا مثل ليبيا، تونس، العراق،المغرب، مصر، والأردن. والان اليمن استخدمت هذا النظام في الحوار الوطني ولم ينتهي العالم. وبامكان النساء استخدام استراتجيات اخرى مثل الإقناع الرشيد، النداء الملهم، والتشاور. ثم يمكن تبادل المنافع مع مجموعات الاقليات والشخصيات المحرومة الأخرى باستخدام المقايضات (مع التركيز بشكل خاص على فتة الشباب المستقل).</div>
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في الختام،علينا الادراك بان الجماعات المعارضة لحصة ال٣٠٪ تقوم بتعبئة الناس وهم مستعدين لخوض المظاهرات.</div>
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المرأة في الحوار الوطني بعيدة نوعا ما عن الواقع اليمني وهي بحاجة إلى التواصل مع الشارع اليمني أكثر من اي شيء أخر. النساء بحاجة إلى ترسيخ قضيتهن ولتجاهل الأيديولوجيات السياسية. وعلينا تذكير الجميع بأن اليمن قد وقعت بالفعل على العديد من الاتفاقيات الدولية لضمان حقوق المرأة. وعلى جميع النساء العلم بان حقوق المرأة متوافقة مع ديننا الإسلامي وأحثهن باستخدام هذا الدين الرحيم لصالحهن بدلا من استخدامه لتعقيد مستقبلهن ومستقبل غيرهن. حان الوقت لتقوم المرأة اليمنية بدورها كقائدة وارجو من المشاركات في الحوار الوطني إلهام وتوحيد الأجيال الشابة من النساء فهن في حاجة إلى ذلك. فارجوكن ، ضعن حاجتكن الشخصية وتطلعاتكن السياسية جانبا من أجل مستقبل الامة.</div>
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Yemeniaty.comhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/05297596596596215960noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2247279833949702327.post-88218854961096589092013-07-27T20:04:00.001-07:002013-07-27T20:04:50.113-07:00An Important Letter to My Readers – Yemeniaty Website is Changing!<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
Dear readers,<br />
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I would like to inform you that the current website is being remodeled. The domain name will remain the same (www.yemeniaty.com); however, the host will be different. Yemeniaty is excited to have you on the new site soon.<br />
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Thank you for reading. </div>
Yemeniaty.comhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/05297596596596215960noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2247279833949702327.post-31615772231529499972013-07-16T15:37:00.000-07:002013-07-16T16:00:44.383-07:00Threatened Unity: Understanding the Tihaman Hirak <div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Tihama is a coastal region extending from Hijaz to Hodaidah*. Part of Tihama now belongs to Saudi Arabia (since the Taif Treaty), when Talking about the Yemeni Tihaman Hirak, we are talking about the regions that belong to Tihama within the Yemen Border.</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: small;">Prior to 1941, the region of Tihama was occupied by the Ottomans (twice), their ports were completely destroyed by the Italians during the Italian-Ottoman War and then controlled by the British. Parts of Tihama were ruled by the Idrissi Emirate, and then the Zaydi Imamate (under Imam Yehaya). The Tihamans track their first revolution to 1918 (against the corrupt Ottoman rule). Their most famous tribal confederation is the <i>Zaraniq - </i>from Bait Al Faqih - who fought against the Zaydi Imamate. </span><span style="font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', serif; font-size: small;">Tihama has several other tribes (like </span><span style="font-size: small;"><i style="font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', serif;">Al-Monasirah,</i><span style="font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', serif;"> </span><i style="font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', serif;">Al-Ma'azibah</i><span style="font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', serif;">, </span><i style="font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', serif;">Al-Wa'eriyah</i><span style="font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', serif;">, </span><i style="font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', serif;">Al-Mazahirah</i><span style="font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', serif;">, </span><i style="font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', serif;">Al-Masa'eed</i><span style="font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', serif;">, and </span><i style="font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', serif;">Al-'Aqiriah</i></span><span style="font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', serif; font-size: small;"> to name a few), but they are all weak today. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', serif; font-size: small;">Tihama has the majority of Yemen's valleys - including </span><i><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: small;">Wadi Moor</span></i><span style="font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', serif; font-size: small;"> which is the biggest in Yemen - and fisheries, as well as several farmlands. Between the area of Bora' and Al Sokhnah is a forest (3-5km long) protected by UNESCO. Also, the region of Tihama is wealthy in historical artifacts, many of which are traced back to the Himyarite Kingdom. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: small;">Their Grievances:</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: small;">The tribes of Tihama weakened significantly since 1920. Many of the people in Tihama practiced trade and embraced civilian life long ago. Unlike other parts of Northern Yemen, the people there are rarely armed. Many of the Tihaman lands do not belong to them. Security forces are absent from the area - they are present in the mountains but not on the coast - and poverty levels continue to soar. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: small;">Due to Tihama's location near the Red Sea, the region is rarely at peace. For instance, there are many passing refugees from Somalia and Ethiopia. Moreover, Tihaman fishermen are constantly targeted by pirates who steal their boats and imprison their workers. The area is also used for all kinds of smuggling (weapons, drugs, human trafficking, child trafficking, diesel & petrol, and illegal pesticides).</span></div>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhrq5KDT8bh5ybRY8nQ4YfXwjw7i_XTHHRsx15oQ4gxJiUDQy0cxslSVE8wLGnLB2hxdpWmWxAyjpB4X0BYF1eBsqR-hCZaKUF1dMgOLGCaCULlAhfBu1fdF8j2ai-jn552p6fD_990LN4/s1600/logo+of+Tihaman+Hirak.jpeg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhrq5KDT8bh5ybRY8nQ4YfXwjw7i_XTHHRsx15oQ4gxJiUDQy0cxslSVE8wLGnLB2hxdpWmWxAyjpB4X0BYF1eBsqR-hCZaKUF1dMgOLGCaCULlAhfBu1fdF8j2ai-jn552p6fD_990LN4/s1600/logo+of+Tihaman+Hirak.jpeg" /></a></div>
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Logo of the Peaceful Tihaman Hirak </span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: small;">Since the early 1970s, the standards of living have not improved and the centralized government oppressed the people. Historically, Tihama had fertile farmlands, fisheries and valleys, yet they remain poverty-stricken. Some of the lands have parched due to the lack of management/maintenance. Other Fertile farmlands are managed and owned by powerful individuals outside of Tihama. Fisheries are monopolized by people in the former government and some who are still in the current government. </span></div>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhQCOx92lFu2ciT2wQZbLRp-Se7_lI50pde_wTCiZF4FfkRwulYBXviRCbT0J-HjcepsvX16HfJFmO0zB5XKYMOEzPcdOpIb2LNIAcLbIXYdTAgJWq5NrT7x2yR8pNk8iEMTOXO-bZQltM/s1600/Tihama+Region+Flag.jpeg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhQCOx92lFu2ciT2wQZbLRp-Se7_lI50pde_wTCiZF4FfkRwulYBXviRCbT0J-HjcepsvX16HfJFmO0zB5XKYMOEzPcdOpIb2LNIAcLbIXYdTAgJWq5NrT7x2yR8pNk8iEMTOXO-bZQltM/s1600/Tihama+Region+Flag.jpeg" /></a></div>
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Flag of the Tihama Region</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: small;">When it comes to governance, the area has been mostly managed by the General's People Congress (GPC) from 1982-2011. </span><span style="font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', serif; font-size: small;">Many of the politi</span><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: small;">cians and traders in Tihama are publicly allied with GPC; however, some have financial ties to Islah. Tihamans have been completely absent from the political arena. President Hadi </span><span style="font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', serif; font-size: small;">visited the area about three months ago (after his trip to Moscow). The locals complained about the absence of a local economy. As a result of this visit, a deal between the government and the wealthy traders (allied with international corporations) was nullified. To date, nothing on the ground was implemented. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: small;">The Movement/Hirak: </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: small;">In February 2011 (Yemeni Revolution), the people of Tihama finally had the courage to speak up about their oppression. The Tihaman Hirak is a massive movement that is not limited to a specific group and is open to all its directorates (see map below). They have thousands of members. A few individuals belonging to this movement call for armed resistance. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: small;">The Tihaman Hirak has influential members from different political parties and some independents. The independents in the Tihaman Hirak lack a unified ideology or leadership; however, they put the interests of Tihama first. From this group, there is Mr. Mohammed Mo'men and Mr. Muhammed Al Dohni (who runs a cultural forum). Other members are from the Islah party, like Mr. Ismael Abdul Bari. From the GPC there is Qadi Ishaq Salah, from Yemen's Socialist Party there is Dr. Tibah Barakat, and Amal Maknoon (member in NDC), and from the Nasserite party there is Mr. Hassan Harad and his brother Taha Harad. Other members representing the Tihaman Hirak are 'Izzi Shuwaim and Khaled Abdullah Khalil, who are in the NDC. </span></div>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgjkblQzAbiFsElXln7lZ_iKTCITCMq-oYh7cd4Pjc4zPGLN0qgFpigz1E7EYB598MsFLm2WpOUYCIMaf45JNkS5m1uzzRZMFNb51O0IJbo6PDPxL0Y19NCOFTkcZqD0zA7Hdz3rXszcrQ/s1600/tihamah.jpeg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="640" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgjkblQzAbiFsElXln7lZ_iKTCITCMq-oYh7cd4Pjc4zPGLN0qgFpigz1E7EYB598MsFLm2WpOUYCIMaf45JNkS5m1uzzRZMFNb51O0IJbo6PDPxL0Y19NCOFTkcZqD0zA7Hdz3rXszcrQ/s640/tihamah.jpeg" width="446" /></a></div>
Directorates of the Tihama Region<br />
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: small;">Their Demands: </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: small;">The people of Tihama, like other Yemenis, demand improvements in services. The lack of medical services caused the return of "old diseases" like malaria, smallpox and other similar epidemics. Even though Tihama constitutes a large portion of Yemen, they are not involved in the decision making process and demand political participation. So far, in the National dialogue, their needs are not heard because they are considered a weak minority, even though there are several individuals representing their demands. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: small;">Tihamans want relative autonomy in a Federal Yemen. When it comes to financial matters, they demand that more revenues be allocated to their region. They demand that some of their own resources be dedicated solely to the people of Tihama. Also, they demand the government's assistance in purchasing agricultural equipments in order to revive what once used to be fertile farmlands. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: small;">Challenges: </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: small;">The biggest challenge facing the Tihaman Hirak is maintaining its peaceful operations. According to several Tihaman activists, they feel that powerful Sheikhs - who have interests in keeping the people weak- try to instigate trouble in order to drag the Tihaman people into armed conflict. They struggle to reject radicalism especially since they are very angry.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: small;">Another challenge is the politicization of the Hirak members, which can result in deep divisions within the movement. Moreover, Tihama, like other parts of Yemen, is witnessing an increase in sectarian divides between the people. New labels are being paraded around to divide the diverse Tihaman population. Finally, their voices remain faint in Yemen and outside of Yemen, especially in comparison to other oppressed groups. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">*Map from Dr. AbdulWadoud Moqashr PhD Thesis: (Tihaman Resistance and Opposition Movements from 1918 to 1962).</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">- Special Thanks to Mr. Abdul Bary Taher, Secretary General of the 'Afif Cultural Institution and Mr. Khaled Abdullah Khalil member of the Transitional Justice Committee in the NDC. </span></div>
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Yemeniaty.comhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/05297596596596215960noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2247279833949702327.post-36304948532305519792013-07-08T06:21:00.002-07:002013-07-08T06:22:17.143-07:00NDC: An exchange of Ideas <div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<b>This post is a bit lengthy but is beneficial to those who are curious about Yemen's National Dialogue. In response to an article I wrote in regards to <a href="http://www.acus.org/viewpoint/yemens-national-dialogue-behind-closed-doors" target="_blank">transparency in the National Dialogue</a>, I received comments from Samira Ali BinDaair, who holds a Masters in Education from the University of Manchester,U.K. She is a lecturer and has worked with UNFPA, OxfamGB, UNIFEM and IPEC. She has several publications on Education. The following exchange occurred:</b><br />
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><i>Dear Sama'a, </i></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><i>It was nice seeing you and talking to you and a pleasure to see the little girl I once knew blossom in to a beautiful and smart young lady. </i></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: small;"><i>I agree with some of the points you raised about the NDC but here I would like to clarify to you as to why the dialogue is as it is but also to make a general comment on the dialogue.</i></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: small;"><i>First of all, about the dialogue being too fast I do not agree….On the contrary, the majority of Yemenis think it is dragging on and on and this fact is not to the advantage of the dialogue.The Yemeni public is getting impatient and the initial enthusiasm for the dialogue is beginning to wan, especially seeing that the talks have not been accompanied with the implementation of transitional justice and restitution of the loss of people's rights.</i></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><i><span style="font-size: small;">I agree with you that the NDC suffers from a lot of flaws but are all these shortcomings due to the points you raised... lack of transparency choice of attendees outside political parties etc.</span> </i></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: small;"><i>I would like to argue that the stage had already been set for either the success or failure of the NDC and goes beyond these logistics. I think most of the reasons that may stand in the way of its success are structural and lie within the socio-political structure of yemen that goes back to decades. The power centers in yemen that have prevailed since the revolution of 1962 in north yemen and independence in south yemen are difficult to dislodge even at this stage (after the spring) and even Abdurabo Mansur would not have survived to oversee the process of the NDC had he attempted not to include them as the major players in the NDC. The whole purpose of the NDC is to get these power centers to dialogue and accept the concept of power sharing and diffuse the underlying dynamite to start with. It would be naïve to expect more than that at this stage in yemen. The civil state that we dream of is going to take time and will need a lot of hard work in the near future and despite the bleak outlook at the moment there is hope . The rewriting of the Constitution may be an important step but in the end it is a piece of paper that may lack credibility if mechanisms for implementing the different clauses are not effectively defined. Therefore we need to look beyond it and as to how we can achieve social justice.</i></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: small;"><i>Revolution is a process not an event and the best type of change is change that starts from the bottom up and is gradual not drastic change that leads to social upheavals. Therefore we have to accept some of the negative aspects in order to lead to the positive in future. (We cannot afford armed confrontation in yemen) These power centers will gradually filter away and outdate themselves if they do not do their homework if we are to believe the lessons of history.. As Ibn Khuldoon says in his Preface about the reasons for the rise and fall of empires as prevailing from within (ie internal flaws). People have woken up and become aware and we cannot go back to the past since the chains of silence have been broken. Indeed what is the alternative to dialogue imperfect as it may be? I have yet to see anyone delineate this alternative…. if I were to conduct a random survey about what should have been done at this stage within the prevailing circumstances in yemen I doubt I would get a convincing answer. I notice that we Yemenis or Arabs in general (and this is not about your article Samaa) tend to make sweeping statements about everything without focusing on a specific issue or criticizing a specific point about a phenomenon. I have heard people who are involved in the NDC make statements like "we don’t know what is happening it is all a mess" etc etc. Surely all this effort that has been made for people to sit on the table and discuss issues is not all negative? The reason why there is dialogue is because there are many differences of opinion which is inevitable in any society.</i></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: small;"><i>To come back to your points regarding transparency etc….some of the proceedings were shown on yemen tv but I do not think it would be in the interest of the dialogue to show the different actors thrashing out the issues when the process is incomplete that might lead to more loss of confidence in the dialogue within the general public. Isn't it better to publicise results once synthesized? We should not compare yemen with western countries which have experimented with democracy for decades and built institutions that support it. The variables here are different and we cannot jump stages in the process.</i></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: small;"><i>About the Yemeni public being made aware of the assistance from the world bank you said etc….what is the significance of that and in what way will it contribute to the success of the dialogue or achieve transparency? In fact it could work in the opposite direction because people are already disenchanted with the US due to many reasons one of them being the unmanned drones that cause havoc to civilians. The world bank /IMF are at the moment pressurizing the Yemeni gov. to remove subsidies from petrol and gas thus putting the govt in a very awkward situation considering the suffering of the people at present from high rates of inflation. Thus it will further antagonize the public to know about the involvement of the world bank in the dialogue. Honestly I have yet to read a complete success story about the structural adjustment package of the WB/IMF in any third world country. Yemen is in a weak position at the moment and all these regional and international forces dictate their terms. Where is the money that the "friends of yemen" promised to get us out of the economic emergency situation? The answer for yemen lies in attracting investment as partners in future to get us out of this position of "beggars" that the regime has got us into for the last three decades.</i></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><i><span style="color: #222222; font-size: small;">Further on in your article you rightly criticized the involvement of foreign experts and the money being wasted on them…..but then considering the fact that the gulf initiative has been transacted by the gulf the UN and the foreign partners this is inevitable. All these international partners are waiting for a pretext to demonize yemen…..and as the Arabic saying goes:"if your hand is under a huge stone remove it gently lest you break it"Much as we resent their interference we have to know the rules of the game and play it right. Moreover</span><span style="color: #222222;"> publicizing</span><span style="color: #222222;"> the nitty gritty of daily expenditures of the NDC will not necessarily set a precedent for accountability to the public but</span><span style="color: #222222;"> publicizing</span><span style="color: #222222;"> the returns from oil and gas and gov. expenditure and how budgets are spent is going to achieve that starting from now. I believe civil society organizations and the general public should demand that from the government.</span></i></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: small;"><i>You mention engaging the Yemeni public or the lack of it ….but how do we do this beyond the field teams that are supposed to have gauged opinion limited as it may be? I agree that to some extent the NDC has excluded some important independents but then in the end how many people can be included in a dialogue without it turning into a circus? I think it might be a good idea to find a way of including peoples opinions and presenting results of research of experts to the NDC to be included in the final draft of the working groups. I think Dr.Waheeba Fare has tried to do this through her academic group of experts but a way has to be found to effectively transmit this to the NDC before it is too late. There may be other forums who may also be doing this and I am sure that in future there will be a lot of opportunities for expressing public opinion on different matters. In the past this was not possible and even if youth inclusion in the dialogue has been limited in future I believe they will make the changes for better or for worse. Social movements take time to grow and mature and create leadership and this will happen slow as it may be. There are many smart young people like yourself in whom we have hope for the future. We have to be positive and we need some idealism that will spring people into action and believe the picture is not all negative. It is healthy to criticize provided we are objective and offer alternatives.</i></span></div>
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<span style="color: #222222; font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: small;"><i>Abdurabo Mansur is in an unenviable position and considering many facts about the present situation which we all know he has managed to achieve some results even if slowly but there are so many challenges to contend with and the old regime is not letting go yet and is doing everything to disrupt the process of</i></span><span style="color: #222222; font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><i> rapprochement</i></span><i style="color: #222222; font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', serif;"> and national stability. The main mistake he made was to ignore the southern issue and not go there sooner to dialogue with the southern movement and thus the vacuum has led to the forces inside and outside yemen to capitalize on this state of affairs and incite the more rigid section of the Hiraak to create the explosive situation prevailing in the south. The southern issue is a core issue and will determine the nature of the future state and it has to be taken very seriously and secession is not at all to the interest of yemen. However there are genuine demands that have to be met before this is done.</i></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: small;"><i>Unfortunately yemen has suffered from too many armed confrontations in the past….in the north the educated and good leaders like abdulrahman aliryani,Abdullah salaal and alhamdy did not last long and since Ali took over we have not seen much progress and with all the outside assistance should yemen have the lowest human indicators in the region next to Somalia? But people have short turn memories and want him back some from sheer ignorance and others with vested interests. This is a transitional stage and we cant have miracles overnight. In the south too the good leaders like Qahtan Alshaaby and Salim Rubaya ali were knocked off by the more extremist socialists and armed conflict also has led to the destruction of the country and alienating some of the best people who could have made a difference. Now we need to move forward and start creating the stage for a different yemen and how we will do that depends very much on keeping our heads above water and think of solutions to different problems rather than drown in the sea of troubles and become paralysed negative and defeatist and repeat platitudes like it’s a big mess and we are heading for disaster nothing can prevent it. Maybe I am one of the lucky few who always see the silver lining in the cloud and half the glass as full rather empty. I would suggest looking at some of the positive things in yemen and remain optimistic and take it from there. </i></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: small;"><i> I know I have not entirely focused on your article and have digressed but all these issues are interrelated.I do hope however I have managed to clarify some of your doubts even if you are not convinced I am ready to be convinced by you when we meet and discuss.</i></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><i>Have a good day and keep up the good work. </i></span><span style="font-family: Calibri; font-size: 13.333333969116211px;"> </span></span></div>
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<b>In response, I wrote: </b><br />
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<span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: small;"><span style="font-weight: normal;">I am thrilled to see such a response! Thank you for sharing all of these points. I agree with several points you make but first, I want to let you know that I am restricted in my writing (especially when I have a 1500 word limit). I need to focus on a specific topic. In this article it was transparency.</span><br style="font-weight: normal;" /><span style="font-weight: normal;">It's hard to present my entire opinion on the dialogue in one article. So, I write on specific topics in little doses. Second, I really enjoyed the points that you raised and I would like to share it in my blog with your permission of course. Unfortunately when we met, we did not have a chance to speak longer. I appreciate that you took the time to write this and I delighted to see that you mentioned Ibn khaldun and use Yemeni quotes. I am one of those who fully understand that Yemen is not part of the West.</span><br style="font-weight: normal;" /><br style="font-weight: normal;" /><span style="font-weight: normal;">Now, I stand by what I wrote in regards to transparency. I think we tend to underestimate the Yemeni people. While many are illiterate, they deserve to know what is happening in the dialogue. Especially when it was promised to them. Perhaps the only way to get the dialogue participants to respect the transitional process and their duties is to publicize their irresponsible behaviors. Since the number of participants is very big, cutting participants out (who are not working towards a resolution) would solve two problems: 1) members who are not serious and are there to play can be removed and 2) the dialogue would look more credible because it is not tolerating child play. I know this will never happen and I am being idealistic here but it's unfortunate to see that we like to fool and undermine the worth of the average Yemeni citizen. The original flaw lies in the selection process but now it is too late to fix.</span><br style="font-weight: normal;" /><br style="font-weight: normal;" /><span style="font-weight: normal;">I recently started to hear about the work of dr. Wahiba Farea. While her process is not officially adopted by the national dialogue, it seems to be operating better. She selected academics who are capable of drafting solutions and I look forward to exploring this process further soon. Again, this process and similar parallel processes highlight the flaw in the selection process of the NDC: giving seats to please and occupy all of Yemen's influential figures.</span><br style="font-weight: normal;" /><br style="font-weight: normal;" /><span style="font-weight: normal;">As for the process of reconciliation, this is the subject of my next/current project. Without it, the dialogue would not be able to produce long term solutions. I look forward it sharing it with you soon.</span><br style="font-weight: normal;" /><br style="font-weight: normal;" /><span style="font-weight: normal;">As for the speed of the conference, It is possible that the transitional process seems slow to you because the dialogue has failed to move according to plan because its not managed well. Moreover, so many people outside of the dialogue are continuing to make other plans (like separatists, Islamists, etc), it is in the interest of Yemen to reach solutions soon. There is pressure building inside the dialogue and I sympathize with all of the participants who are pouring their hearts and souls into this process. That being said, the only way to calm the Yemeni people is to provide them with services like water, electricity, etc. This would relieve them of their anguish and foster trust in the future Yemeni government. The dialogue failed in providing a temporary economic solution to Yemen. The NDC process is purely political. On the bright side, it succeeded in providing temporary jobs to 565 individuals.</span><br style="font-weight: normal;" /><br style="font-weight: normal;" /><span style="font-weight: normal;">Each transitional process needs to be custom made to the country undergoing transformation and in Yemen's case, the structure of the dialogue could be described as "too sophisticated". At times the structure of the 9 committees and the large number of participants created an obstacle in the path of political progression. Many of the subjects intersect and the second general plenary meeting failed to achieve anything. All our hopes are now in the hands of the final and third plenary meeting.</span><br style="font-weight: normal;" /><br style="font-weight: normal;" /><span style="font-weight: normal;">I definitely agree that the decisions that the committees come up with will need implementation. Without it, all of this hard work would go to waste (& this is a possibility).</span><br style="font-weight: normal;" /><br style="font-weight: normal;" /><span style="font-weight: normal;">Finally, my argument on the subject of transparency is based on the fact that the NDC promised something that they didn't deliver. I was just following through. Also, It is hard for a single person like me to provide solutions to such grave problems. I think my criticism in this particular article is just a cry for better transparency so people like me, who are not members of the dialogue, can feel that we are somehow included. </span><span style="font-weight: normal;"> </span><span style="font-weight: normal;">At the moment, I am still waiting to get my badge to go to the NDC. I think I will have a better picture then</span></span></h1>
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<span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: small;"><span style="font-weight: normal;">Thank you for reading what i wrote, for sharing your thoughts and for your encouragement.</span><br style="font-weight: normal;" /><br style="font-weight: normal;" /><span style="font-weight: normal;">Best,</span><br style="font-weight: normal;" /><span style="font-weight: normal;">Sama'a</span></span></h1>
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<span style="font-size: large;"><b>She then added: </b></span></div>
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<em><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><span style="color: #222222;">In addition to what I wrote you yesterday (as I said I couldnt type long from my fon with one finger its so slow thus I couldnt reply to all your points I am more comfortable now using my laptop) I forgot to mention to you that I hope my point about the yemeni public not following every little point of the dialogue did not indicate my considering the fact that they are illiterate that they cannot understand whats going on.....that would be terribly patronizing what I meant is that as it is there is so much frustration that this will only add to their frustration which is not to the advantage of the NDC because the reaction from the public could be really fierce .We cant afford whats happening in egypt right now and added to the fact that yemenis are armed to the teeth. Transparency could be achieved by transmitting the outcome of the discussions at different stages of the talks which I think is being done from what I read in the papers and also on yemen tv and radio. I think a list of people who left the talks and people who were replaced has also been publisized if I am not mistaken .</span></span></em></div>
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<em><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><span style="color: #222222;">On the contrary yemenis are very politicised and very aware and as I said in my article "Yemeni spring nipped in the bud - where do we go from here" it does not take a university degree to know that one is dispossessed of one's most basic rights. I believe my grandmother had far more wisdom and awareness than a lot of Ph.D holders who may be qualified in a specific field but not necessarily aware.....I had also pointed out the process that Paulo Freire the latin american educator had undertaken in raising the consciousness of the oppressed in his revolutionary adult education programme.(Pedagogy of the Oppressed) This is also possible in yemen but not through the NDC....I still maintain that the NDC is not the panacea to resolving all the problems in yemen....on the contrary it has quite a limited function which as I said before is to get these power centers to agree as a first step because whether we like it or not they wont let go at this stage and their lack of agreement could be threatening to yemen. We also hope some of the good people(I am sure there are many despite our doubts) in the dialogue would also act as a neutralizer in some way. I think the real work of nation building will start when the NDC ends and then the role of the people will come in. I have heard people say that once the NDC is over and the big guys concoct the articles of the new constitution their own way then the game is over. This is not true because there are technical experts who have given their input and are still doing so and whats more important is the nature of lines of accountability that will be established where officials are concerned including the President and the type of political system i.e. parliamentary (the way it is now) and how will decision making powers be delineated between cabinet parliament and president . I am sure you know that there are many types of sytems where the president could be a figure head and prime minister have more power or like the old regime president is the be all and end all of yemens existence and so on and so forth. Let me give you an example about the old constitution which clearly stated matters concerning human rights, women's rights, etc but did we have the mechanisms for ensuring its implementation and define the checks and balances. I agree that once things are in the constitution they are binding but still we have to go beyond this formality to the more important issue of specifying all these other matters and I think a kind of opinion poll needs to be done before it is concluded. There could be many other mechanisms for ensuring public opinion is included in the process but the most critical issue at stake at the moment is resolving the southern issue and understanding the demands of the houthis and other forces which might threaten the very stability of yemen and turn the country into small warring factions and provinces. I am not saying we need to compromise to save the country but there are some serious issues that we have to take into consideration since the situation in yemen is not idealand not to demand the impossible so as to pave the way for the possibilities in future.. The spring has achieved something but it will take time and effort to achieve all the aspirations of those who initiated the process and the rest of the public. I sincerely hope that we will have more honest people in future who will run the country and who will put the interests of yemen and the people before their own. Now that the public is more aware they will be more proactive in keeping a watchful eye and expressing their opinions on issues that concern the welfare of the yemeni people.</span></span></em></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><em>As it says in the Holy Qoran"</em><br />فأما الزبد فيذهب جفاءاً و أما ما ينفع الناس فيمكث في الأرض</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><i>So I am hoping that what is now not obvious to the eye all the precious jewels of yemeni wisdom and goodness the people who are the unknown soldiers ...the independents if you like or call them whatever you will ....all those who did not have a voice will have it soon.....it does take time for things to crystallize institutions to be built and institutionalised corruption to be purged but what is two years in the life of the nation. I think we have made a start and the process will continue.</i></span></div>
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Yemeniaty.comhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/05297596596596215960noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2247279833949702327.post-77611645923956490772013-07-01T12:20:00.000-07:002013-07-01T12:39:41.192-07:00The Yemeni Art of Capturing a Killer<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
The security situation in Yemen is deteriorating from bad to worst.While people still have the illusion of safety, it is very obvious that the rule of law in Yemen is almost non-existant. More than ever, Yemenis are clinging to social bonds and tribal affiliations as means of protection. Security check points are dispersed all over the capital Sana'a, however; the past month has been eventful. For example, in the past week alone, Baghdad Street was blocked due to a conflict between a Sheikh (tribesman) and the police (the policeman was killed), another Sheikh took control of the <i>Faj 'Attan </i>area due to a land dispute (which is still ongoing), an engineer was killed in the Ministry of Justice by an unknown motorcyclist, a group of armed men invaded Souk Shumailah to loot the place, and an Omani diplomat was kidnapped for 12 hours, all in what used to be the safest city in Yemen.<br />
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<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjpxPArT1hnTUcWiL2Ib9moR8UA2nlwFvSZ53dLEl6fw2s5e9CM4KJVVa8EJS5r3iuGYJshIUdqQ5V2xrziZ034VfUC_P5Cxwi_EA7BczjU2tbYLikwyJzSu39GaJ4Fg7_PlYKXeYpU0hU/s1600/english+caution.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjpxPArT1hnTUcWiL2Ib9moR8UA2nlwFvSZ53dLEl6fw2s5e9CM4KJVVa8EJS5r3iuGYJshIUdqQ5V2xrziZ034VfUC_P5Cxwi_EA7BczjU2tbYLikwyJzSu39GaJ4Fg7_PlYKXeYpU0hU/s320/english+caution.jpg" width="234" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">The poster featuring Al-khateeb (left) and Aman (right) reads:<br />
"Caution. There is an Armed Sheikh in the Car. Instructions necessitate you do not overtake the car"</td></tr>
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On May 15, 2013, one of the most heinous crimes took place in Sana'a. Two young men Al-Khateeb and Aman, both under the age of 21,were killed in cold blood when they intercepted a tribal wedding motorcade. To this day, no arrests have been made even though the tribe responsible for this crime is identified (to read more on this, click <a href="http://globalvoicesonline.org/2013/05/27/yemen-two-men-killed-for-over-taking-a-sheikhs-wedding-convoy/" target="_blank">here</a>). Just last week, Aman was buried in Sana'a and the week before, Al-Khateeb was buried in Aden.<br />
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When it comes to killings in Yemen, two main factors determine whether justice will be served:<br />
1) Whether the assailant is from a powerful tribe.<br />
2) Whether the deceased is from a powerful tribe.<br />
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Unfortunately, in the case of Al-Khateeb and Aman, they were from civilian families and the killer was associated with a powerful tribe. The ultimate let down is that the current government failed to exact justice and stood powerless infront of the force of the tribe. In other murder cases, if the killer is not from a powerful tribe and the deceased from a powerful one, then it is almost certain that justice - if not vengeance - will be served.<br />
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At times, the killer and the deceased belong equally powerful tribes. In these situations, families/tribes have to exact their own justice.<br />
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Just three days ago, Ahmed from Al-Haimah was killed at <i>Jawlat Al Sayah</i> in Sana'a around 2pm. The killer escaped and the government captured the deceased's acquaintances. They are "suspects" until the actual killer is captured. The killer fled the scene but he left his car behind. Ahmed's cousin speaks with certainty that the police have the killer's identity based on the fact that they have the car's registration numbers. He claims that the investigator on duty is keeping the killer's identity secret because he is from a decent sized tribe from Bani Matar. He said: "the police aren't serious about their search. They are conveniently keeping Ahmed's friends in prison and are scared to confront the killer's tribe. The government is no longer eminent". Using his own connections, a man from a separate investigative unit confirmed that the police have the killer's phone number. Ahmed's family has the killer's home phone but the killer is in hiding. His tribe refuses to be discouraged and vows that Ahmed's blood won't go to waste.<br />
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Over the years, Ahmed's tribe managed to compile an impressive collection of weapons. During Saleh's era, they received their share of weapons but the collection grew bigger during the revolution of 2011. During this time, the tribe retained all smuggled weapons captured on their lands. Today, they have a Kord 12.7, a 14.5 Vladimirov KPV, and RPGs. Furthermore, they control about 35 miles of the Sana'a - Hodaidah travel road. Using their sovereignty, they blocked the travel road for an hour. They stopped aside all cars with army, police and government tags. These cars with the men inside them are now their prisoners. According to tribal tradition, they will feed and care for them. Ahmed's cousin is certain that this tactic will put enough pressure on the government to bring forth the killer. If not, they will just have to create more pressure. Surrendering is not an option. One thing is for sure: they will find the killer.<br />
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="http://adenalghad.net/uploads/pics/1350381735.jpeg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="254" src="http://adenalghad.net/uploads/pics/1350381735.jpeg" width="320" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><span style="text-align: left;">RPG Image from <a href="http://adenalghad.net/uploads/pics/1350381735.jpeg" target="_blank">Here</a> </span></td></tr>
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/2/20/Kord_machine_gun_Interpolitex-2011_01.jpg/300px-Kord_machine_gun_Interpolitex-2011_01.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="203" src="http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/2/20/Kord_machine_gun_Interpolitex-2011_01.jpg/300px-Kord_machine_gun_Interpolitex-2011_01.jpg" width="320" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Kord 12.7 (Image from Wikipedia)</td></tr>
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.defenceweb.co.za/images/stories/LAND/LAND_new/ZPU-1_400x300.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="240" src="http://www.defenceweb.co.za/images/stories/LAND/LAND_new/ZPU-1_400x300.jpg" width="320" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">14.5 Vladimirov KPV from <a href="http://www.defenceweb.co.za/images/stories/LAND/LAND_new/ZPU-1_400x300.jpg" target="_blank">Here</a></td></tr>
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Yemeniaty.comhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/05297596596596215960noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2247279833949702327.post-79178074507426539732013-06-19T01:31:00.000-07:002013-07-01T12:20:27.141-07:00Yemen's National Dialogue Behind Closed Doors<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
This post was originally posted <a href="http://www.acus.org/viewpoint/yemens-national-dialogue-behind-closed-doors" target="_blank">at MENA source by the Atlantic Council </a><br />
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<span style="background-color: rgba(255, 255, 255, 0);">Yemen’s National Dialogue Conference (NDC), which began on March 18 and just reached the halfway point of its six-month mandate, was conceived as a core part of the transition process and is intended to bring together Yemen’s diverse political, social, geographic, and demographic groups to address the most critical issues plaguing the beleaguered country. Unfortunately, the way the dialogue was developed, designed, and directed created intrinsic flaws that may undercut its success. Some argue that the large number of participants and the lack of genuine representation outside of political parties are the reasons it is doomed for failure. Others feel that the process is advancing too quickly, leaving honest reconciliation out of the equation. One of the other major concerns is the lack of clear communication with the Yemeni public, transparency of the proceedings, and oversight of expenditures. </span></div>
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<span style="background-color: rgba(255, 255, 255, 0);">Although some Yemen experts remain pessimistic about the future of the country, they refrain from critiquing the dialogue because the outcome is still unclear and many perceive the dialogue as the only way to prevent a descent into civil war. Particularly because the process is opaque and because there is genuine skepticism about the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) transition agreement and the dialogue itself, the NDC should pro-actively report on all working group and plenary proceedings, publish all records and modifications, and disclose all financial contributions and allocations. This is the time to measure the discrepancy between the dialogue’s stated intention and the reality on the ground, if there is hope for effective progress.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: rgba(255, 255, 255, 0);">The Technical Committee of the National Dialogue clearly stated in a December 2012 statement that the NDC will have its own radio and television channel; however, this promise was never fulfilled. Instead, the NDC opted for the use of modern social media sites like Twitter, Facebook and YouTube, catering exclusively to the international community and the <a href="http://www.internetworldstats.com/me/ye.htm" style="text-decoration: none;">less than 15 percent of Yemenis</a> who use the internet. Since March 18, not a single Facebook NDC post received more than nine comments.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: rgba(255, 255, 255, 0);">Although the Dialogue’s Secretariat has tried to provide some information on its website, there is a tendency to understate or leave out important details that relinquishes crucial information to the interpretations of partisan media outlets. While some facets of the dialogue are downplayed, others are entirely omitted. For instance, the final reports of the nine working committees remain unofficial; some reports have surfaced, but only because they have been leaked. Also, there is no updated official list of participants available on the website or elsewhere since approximately thirty members of the NDC withdrew and/or were replaced. Likewise, there is no official record of all organizations and agencies “supporting” the NDC, like the United Nations (UN), World Bank, and United States Agency for International Development (USAID).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: rgba(255, 255, 255, 0);">The lack of disclosure raises many important questions regarding the nature and amount of support that international organizations are providing. For example, the high-end Movenpick Hotel is the official NDC venue and it is reportedly packed with foreign governance experts and consultants who are being handsomely compensated, but little is known regarding the affiliation of these experts, what technical assistance they are offering Yemenis, or whether their role is beneficial and effective. With no answers in plain sight, it is easy to accuse the NDC of the selective concealment of facts.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: rgba(255, 255, 255, 0);"><o:p></o:p><img align="middle" alt="" src="http://www.acus.org/files/u51414/NDC.jpg" style="border: 0px;" /></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: rgba(255, 255, 255, 0);">This shortage of information and lack of community is still at times blamed on budget constraints even though the NDC’s official website reports that a total of 138 computers, thirty-five laptops and 225 cell phones were purchased. The initial budget for the NDC was an estimated $35 million dollars and according to more recent reports, $29 million has already been utilized. It is public knowledge that members of the NDC residing in Sana’a are compensated $100 per day and those residing outside of Sana’a are compensated a $180 per day. Millions are being spent on honoraria for members of the dialogue, compensation for foreign expertise, and the administrative expenses of the day-to-day operations; yet there is no easily accessible source of information regarding these expenses and the overall budget for the dialogue. This transparency is important not only for the NDC, but also because such practices would set a positive precedent as a possible blueprint for how the next Yemeni government will budget, spend, and monitor its public funds. Without budget transparency, the average Yemeni has little reason to trust the dialogue, the transitional process, or any future government. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: rgba(255, 255, 255, 0);">Just like the dialogue, transparency is a process, and in the NDC’s case, it is one that needs constant cultivation. The main facilitator of the GCC initiative and UN’s special envoy to Yemen, Jamal Ben Omar, asserts that the NDC is the most successful transitional process in the Arab World and the only transparent process that will provide real outcomes. Yet, in several interviews, he had to dismiss rumors claiming that the outcome has been predetermined or that the solutions will be determined by the old ruling elites outside the NDC process. These assertions gain steam among the public because of the obscurity surrounding the NDC; the only way to ensure a successful transitional process is to engage the Yemeni people – openly, actively, and with a genuine spirit of inclusivity. Transparency does not guarantee the success of the dialogue, but it is a fundamental requirement to gain the trust of the Yemeni people.</span></div>
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Yemeniaty.comhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/05297596596596215960noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2247279833949702327.post-63233855013173322582013-06-07T09:57:00.000-07:002013-06-07T09:59:32.026-07:00It Wasn't Me: Yemen's Conspiracy Theories (1/2)<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">Part 1 of 2</span><br />
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<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">As Arabs, we love conspiracy theories. Everything is far more exciting if there is a mysterious plot to unravel. Not to mention, it's easier to abandon all responsibilities if it there a “scheme” in place and a "mastermind" behind it. In Yemen's conspiracy theories, we are the victims, the injured party, the biggest loser, and the subject of all interest. Despite being inherently realists, we exhibit bursts of borderline personality and a hint of narcissistic tendencies. When it comes to conspiracy narratives, some are outright outrageous, others are meticulously constructed (and over time become self-fulling prophecies), and only a handful are fathomable explanations.</span></span></div>
<span style="font-size: large;"><b id="docs-internal-guid-491ec5aa-1f5b-5aba-0636-da45b45498b7" style="font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><br /><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"></span></span></b>
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<span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">This blog post lists some of the “conspiracy theories” circulating in Yemen. It has no interest in debunking them nor in unraveling the truth that lies behind them. </span></span></div>
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<li><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; line-height: 1.15; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">About a year ago, right after the NASA Rover landed on Mars, Yemeni media outlets published one of the most dangerous theories yet. Our (Yemeni) high-tech investigative techniques revealed that NASA was hiding a big secret from us. We were told that NASA had physical proof, for years, that </span><span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-style: italic; line-height: 1.15; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Lailat al Qadar </span><span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; line-height: 1.15; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">exists and they shamelessly hid it from us. </span><span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; line-height: 1.15; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Apparently NASA, a US agency responsible for aerospace research invested a load of their time and money to trackback this day with technology as advanced as the space Rovers. The biggest shock was that the article assumed that Yemenis needed NASA to prove it... </span></span></li>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-style: italic; line-height: 1.15; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Lailat al Qadr</span><span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; line-height: 1.15; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">, literally translates to Night of Destiny, and is the night that the first verses of the Quran were revealed to the prophet Muhammed when he encountered the angel Jibreel (Gabriel). Traditionally, it is believed to be on one of the last nights of Ramadan and there is no specific date for it. </span></span></div>
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<li><span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; line-height: 1.15; white-space: pre-wrap;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">Israel, one of the most notorious countries in the Middle East, is always the subject of several conspiracy theories. Overtime, it became very convenient to blame anything on them. Once the Arab Spring started, former President Saleh gave a statement that attributed the Arab Spring to a vague Israeli/American blueprint to destroy the Middle East. While many Yemenis are innately susceptible to these kind of theories, unfortunately for Saleh, it was just too little too late! </span></span></li>
<li><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; line-height: 1.15; white-space: pre-wrap;">Accompanying Saleh’s long shot, an article surfaced that Israel finally devised a weapon more catastrophic than any nuclear bomb. They finally succeeded in creating a special gas that can be inserted into a bomb. The <i>secret is</i> once the bomb is dropped in any part of the world, the gas only kills Muslims. </span><span style="background-color: white;"><span style="color: #222222;"><span style="line-height: 1.15; white-space: pre-wrap;">(not to mention the Israeli belts </span></span><span style="color: #222222;"><span style="white-space: pre-wrap;">distributed</span></span><span style="color: #222222;"><span style="line-height: 1.15; white-space: pre-wrap;"> all over Yemen to make our men infertile)</span></span></span></span></li>
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<li><span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; line-height: 1.15; white-space: pre-wrap;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">Speaking about gas, fellow tweeter Ibrahim Muthana once wrote that a taxi driver tried to explain his lethargy. The taxi driver revealed that the US has been actively spraying Yemenis with a secret gas to keep us tired and unproductive... (Qat and malnutrition didn't come to mind..)</span></span></li>
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<li><span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; line-height: 1.15; white-space: pre-wrap;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">While Yemen witnessed (and continues to witness) several campaigns against women, one of the most important issues that Yemenis continue to worry about is the term “gender”. Most Yemenis (men and women) continue to misuse the term and substitute it for “equality”. Regardless of this lack of understanding, a university dropout warned us about the dangers of “gender”. If “gender” succeeds in being a component of the National Dialogue, then it will only legalize homosexuality and adultery. At first, it is easy to dismiss such ramblings; but after serious pondering, you begin to see the light. Why? Of course! Enhancing Women’s access to education is about enlightenment... and enlightenment makes us think of the Italian Renaissance... and the renaissance is about rebirth...rebirth coincided with secularism...Therefore, if women are educated then it must mean that Yemenis will abandon their faith . Just think about it! all these literate women... reading about adultery...how gay!</span></span></li>
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<li style="line-height: 1.15;"><span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; line-height: 1.15; white-space: pre-wrap;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"> Just when you think that most conspiracy theories are generated by fundamentalists, I have to end this streak with another Arab Spring Theory. It is not a secret that the protests in Tunisia inspired the rest of the Middle East nor is it a secret that for at least a decade most Arabs living under repressive/authoritarian regimes preferred Islamist parties over other political parties for their political organization and service delivery. When the structured Islamist parties began winning votes across the Arab world, and most notably when the Muslim Brotherhood (MB) won the elections in Egypt, it became apparent to liberals everywhere that the Arab Spring is an Islamist ploy to secure power. The truth is; Islamists got bored of waiting for their turn to rule. For months, even years, men from all over the Arab World gathered (perhaps in London?) to plan a revolt that would lead to the world domination. The protests in Turkey may appear contradictory to this theory, but rest assured, it is part of a bigger plan...</span></span></li>
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<li><span style="color: #222222; font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><span style="line-height: 1.15; white-space: pre-wrap;">Yemen witnesses blackouts on a daily basis. Once in a blue moon, the electricity stays on. Rather than enjoying the 260 year old technology, we worry about the </span><span style="line-height: 16.363636016845703px; white-space: pre-wrap;">consequences</span><span style="line-height: 1.15; white-space: pre-wrap;"> of this abrupt reward. While electricity blackouts are not a laughing matter, many Yemenis feel better blaming such </span><span style="line-height: 16.363636016845703px; white-space: pre-wrap;">misfortune</span><span style="line-height: 1.15; white-space: pre-wrap;"> on 'Afash. Yes, it is <i>all</i> the fault of Ali Abdullah Saleh. Even the tribes and AQAP agree. It's all him. He always left</span><span style="line-height: 1.15; white-space: pre-wrap;"> Yemenis in the dark, literally. </span></span></li>
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<li><span style="color: #222222; font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><span style="font-size: large; line-height: 16.363636016845703px; white-space: pre-wrap;">The radical branch of the Southern secessionists in Yemen blamed the downfall of YSP on a few Northern individuals in 1986. While these radical thinkers refuse to join the National Dialogue, the Northerners are worried about something far worse: Payback. </span></span></li>
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<span style="color: #222222; line-height: 16.363636016845703px; white-space: pre-wrap;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">President Hadi is from Abyan (South of Yemen) and the Majority of his government and Military appointments were for fellow Southerners. Unfortunately, a southern majority government didn't contain Hirak but it sure worried Northerners. They believe that - and Journalist Adam Baron describes it - president Hadi is a "closet separatist". Yemen is in a mess right now and just when everything gets worse (hard to imagine), president Hadi and his government will smoothly transition to rule the South. The Southerners would enjoy heaven (Aden) and the Northerners will be abandoned without any leadership or resources. </span></span></blockquote>
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End of Part 1, more in Part 2<span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 16px; font-weight: bold; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"></span></div>
Yemeniaty.comhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/05297596596596215960noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2247279833949702327.post-43912478765816671962013-05-13T16:36:00.002-07:002013-05-13T16:36:42.642-07:00Fazli Çorman on Education Reform in Yemen (Part II)<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<b id="docs-internal-guid-650dc646-a03c-2fbe-5ba9-d31977fda716"><span style="font-family: Georgia; font-size: 16px; font-style: italic; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Over the past few years, it became very apparent that the Turkish government is strategically strengthening its ties in Yemen through educational projects and programs. Yemen now has three Turkish schools, one in the capital Sana’a and two in the cities of Aden and Taiz. Furthermore, since 2013, the Turkish embassy announced that 22 scholarships will be given to 22 students, each from a different governorate in Yemen. This is one of many costly educational projects that Turkey has taken on board. Mr. Çorman states that the Turkish involvement with the Yemeni educational system is not something new and goes further by suggesting that the “new model” of the Yemeni educational system will be influenced by Turkey:</span></b></div>
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<b id="docs-internal-guid-650dc646-a03c-2fbe-5ba9-d31977fda716"><span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 16px; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br /></span></b></div>
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<b id="docs-internal-guid-650dc646-a03c-2fbe-5ba9-d31977fda716"><span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 16px; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><span style="font-weight: normal;">“There is a huge demand in Yemen for students to study in Turkey. Therefore, we organized an “Education Fair” from the 3-4 March in Sana'a and the 5-6 March in Aden. </span>The new 22 extra scholarships <span style="font-weight: normal;">for the best student of each governorate that you mentioned in your question were announced as a support to Yemen by the Rector of Recep Tayyip Erdoğan University located in Rize, during this Education Fair. </span></span><b style="font-weight: normal;"><br /></b><span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 16px; font-weight: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">We’re regularly providing more scholarships every year for Yemeni students to study in Turkey. For instance last year, there was record number of 1,700 Yemeni applicants to the Turkish scholarship. A delegation came from Turkey and they conducted more than 200 interviews with the best candidates. Fifty of them were selected and now they are studying in Turkey.</span><b id="docs-internal-guid-650dc646-a03c-2fbe-5ba9-d31977fda716" style="font-weight: normal;"><div style="display: inline !important;">
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<b id="docs-internal-guid-650dc646-a03c-2fbe-5ba9-d31977fda716"><span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 16px; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><span style="font-weight: normal;">Yemeni Ministers, like Minister of High Education H.E. Hisham Sharaf Abdullah, Minister of Education H.E. Abdurrezzak Yahya Al-Ashwal and Minister of Technical and Vocational Training H.E. Dr. Abdulhafiz Numan are very cooperative with in developing the educational system in Yemen together. Hereby, I would like to thank them for showing this cooperation and for participating in the opening ceremony of the Education Fair. On a separate note, we furnished the Yemeni-Turkish Technical and Vocational Training Institute in Sanaa for 2.6 million Dollars. </span>We are searching possibilities to open a Yemeni-Turkish University”.</span></b></blockquote>
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<span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 16px; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">- <i>You can follow the Turkish Ambassador @FazliCorman</i></span></div>
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Yemeniaty.comhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/05297596596596215960noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2247279833949702327.post-39193219403066408102013-05-13T16:29:00.001-07:002013-05-13T16:38:29.100-07:00A Conversation with the Turkish Ambassador to Yemen (Part I)<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<a class="image_thumbnail" href="http://yementimes.com/get_img?ImageId=2341" style="border: 0px; margin: 0px; opacity: 1; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666;"><img alt="Çorman says that no foreign power should interfere in Yemen’s internal affairs. (YT archive photo by Amira Nasser)" class="thumbnail" src="http://yementimes.com/get_img?ImageWidth=300&ImageId=2341" style="border: 0px; height: auto; margin: 0px; max-width: 100%; padding: 0px;" /></span></a><br />
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<span style="background-color: white; color: #666666;">Çorman says that no foreign power should interfere in Yemen’s internal affairs. (YT archive photo by Amira Nasser)</span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; line-height: 20.796875px;"><span style="color: #444444; line-height: 20.796875px;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: x-small;">Originally published in <a href="http://yementimes.com/en/1676/intreview/2341/Fazli-%C3%87orman-I-have-bad-news-for-those-who-are-disturbed-by-the-developing-Turkish-Yemeni-brotherhood-Our-relationship-will-only-grow-fast.htm" target="_blank">Yemen Times </a></span></span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">The Turkish Ambassador to Yemen, Fazli Çorman, previously served in Greece, Oman, Japan and Canada. Upon his assignment to Yemen, he quickly made a name for himself in the country as he is one of only two ambassadors with a Twitter account. He now has more than 2,000 followers and prides himself on being accessible. </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><br style="color: #444444; line-height: 20.796875px;" /><br style="color: #444444; line-height: 20.796875px;" /><span style="color: #444444; line-height: 20.796875px;">In an interview, Çorman talks about the complex relationship Yemen and Turkey have. Those who remember the Ottomans fondly view the empire as a force that structured the North of Yemen. Today, Yemenis in this category continue to celebrate their “Turkish heritage.” While others, who remember the Ottomans as occupiers, believe Turkey is primarily expanding its influence in the Middle East through Yemen. On this relationship, Çorman said: </span></span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><span style="color: #444444; line-height: 20.796875px;">"We all know that Turkey and Yemen have had a strong relationship, for centuries. There are deep cultural affinities, ties of brotherhood, as well as a firm solidarity between the Turkish and Yemeni people. Almost all Yemenis know this fact and feel very close to Turkey. The Yemeni-Turkish brotherhood is deeply-rooted; transcending any particular period or personal realm. Thus, efforts to harm this brotherhood are doomed to be unsuccessful. Yemen is special to us, and we have nothing but good intentions. We deem Yemen’s security and stability as of our own. Our Yemeni brothers and sisters can be sure that nothing will affect the excellent relationship between the two brotherly countries. It will only reinforce our ties. I have bad news for those who are disturbed by the developing Turkish-Yemeni brotherhood. Our relationship will only grow faster."</span></span></blockquote>
<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><span style="color: #444444; line-height: 20.796875px;">The Turkish government has become one of Yemen’s main trading partners. Just two months ago, Turkey received its first shipment of Liquefied Natural Gas (LNG) from Yemen. When asked about Turkey’s future economic cooperation plans with Yemen and what to expect, Çorman said Yemen's struggling economy has a lot of potential. </span></span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><span style="color: #444444; line-height: 20.796875px;">"Turkey’s Ege Gaz LNG company received the cargo at Aliağa Port on March 9. This shipment supports the Yemeni economy and other shipments will follow. We all know that Yemeni gas is sold at very low prices and Turkey is ready to purchase Yemeni gas at the world market price. I think this trade will not only increase Yemeni exports to Turkey and thereby balance the bilateral trade, but will also give leverage to the Yemeni government in their negotiations with Yemeni gas prices.</span></span></blockquote>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><span style="color: #444444; line-height: 20.796875px;">Also, I have observed an increase of all kinds of Turkish goods in the market. This shows development in the bilateral trade relations, which are reflected by our statistics. Our trade volume in 2012 was a new record in our economic relations. It was approximately $500 million in 2012 which, not only doubled the figures of 2011, but exceeded all statistics prior to 2011. Our target is to contribute by further increasing this volume to at least $1 billion in the near future,” Corman said.</span></span></blockquote>
<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><span style="color: #444444; line-height: 20.796875px;">Turkey's ruling party, the Justice and Development Party (AKP), is considered by many as one of the most conservative parties with Islamist roots to have power since the time of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk. Rumors are circulating that suggest Turkey is dealing primarily with individuals in Yemen from the Islah Party, which is the largest opposition party in Yemen also with Islamic-roots. Examples people put forward are that of an Islahi tribal Sheikh Hameed Al-Ahmar, who is also accused of being part of Ali Abdullah Saleh’s former regime and said to have multimillion dollar businesses in Turkey. Tawakkol Karman, the Nobel Peace Prize Laureate, also an Islahi, was awarded Turkish citizenship. Furthermore Corman was asked to comment on Islahis who were wounded during the Yemeni Revolution and were sent to Turkey for treatment. </span></span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><span style="color: #444444; line-height: 20.796875px;">“First of all, any Yemeni businessmen can have a business in Turkey. Hameed Al-Ahmar may be one of them. We invite and welcome all Yemeni businessmen to invest or establish businesses in Turkey regardless of their political affiliation. Secondly, Tawakkol Karman was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize before she gained Turkish citizenship. In this regard, she successfully represented Muslim women in general and Arab women in particular. It is with this understanding that Turkish citizenship was given to her and her family, as a result of our appreciation of her strong voice as a Muslim woman which has been heard in the West for the first time. Our act is out of respect and should not be traced with any other intention behind it. </span></span> </blockquote>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><span style="color: #444444; line-height: 20.796875px;">“Thirdly, in the framework of the Agreement Concerning the Cooperation in the Area of Health between Turkey and Yemen every year, 25 Yemeni patients—this number is increased to 100 in 2013 —who cannot be cured in Yemen can be treated in Turkey by the selection of the Yemeni Ministry of Health. If the Yemeni Ministry chooses them according to party affiliation, I do not know, and I cannot judge this. Due to the dire conditions of those injured in Yemen during the revolution and as a response to the requests of the Yemeni government, 100 more patients were offered complimentary health care. All of these patients were selected in coordination with Ministry of Health officials. Turkey is equally distanced to all parties in Yemen and doesn't think about discrimination, especially the humanitarian field. If Yemeni people follow our news closely, then they will easily understand that these rumors and allegations are clearly baseless." </span></span></blockquote>
<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><span style="color: #444444; line-height: 20.796875px;">Yemen and other countries have seized weapon shipments that passed through Turkey or originated from there in the past few years. Some of the weapons seized are said to be manufactured in Turkey and many media outlets and politicians have accused Turkey of turning a blind eye. Corman answers who is shipping them and how the weapons are being smuggled into Yemen. </span></span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><span style="color: #444444; line-height: 20.796875px;">“There have been three shipments that are associated with containers coming from Turkey over the last two years. One was caught in Dubai in March of 2011, another in Aden in November of 2012 and the last one came to Aden in November but wasn't inspected until January of 2013. All three shipments had pistols that were concealed amongst other goods. They were not declared to customs as such, and therefore they were cases of illegal smuggling.</span></span> </blockquote>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><span style="color: #444444; line-height: 20.796875px;">The pistols captured in Dubai, were blank or traumatic-firing pistols that may be modified for live ammunition, and were marked by its Turkish producer’s brand name. That producer was prosecuted and imprisoned. His license for blank-firing pistols was cancelled. The pistols captured in November 2012, were marked with a fake brand. They were small-caliber handguns and were concealed in some biscuit boxes loaded at the very back of the container. Most of them were bundled with biscuits and cakes. We got one sample of that handgun and the laboratory analysis in Turkey recently revealed that their barrel is not ribbed and they cannot fire regular live ammunition. It appears that the receiver in Yemen was planning to modify their barrel to fire live ammunition in order to make extra profit. </span></span> </blockquote>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><span style="color: #444444; line-height: 20.796875px;">The last shipment, captured in November but opened in January, contained a very small caliber of blank-firing handguns. I am not an expert, but I personally saw these handguns and they were clearly not-capable of firing live ammunitions since they do not have the proper barrel.</span></span> </blockquote>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><span style="color: #444444; line-height: 20.796875px;">There are exaggerations involved. These cases are very amateurish and do not reflect the work of a professional arms smuggler. This does not change the fact that whomever did this broke the law by hiding weapons—blank or not—in containers declared as something else,” Corman said. “The Turkish Minister of Customs is planning to visit Yemen soon as we are searching for an agreement with Yemeni officials to prevent such cases from happening in the future.”</span></span></blockquote>
<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><span style="color: #444444; line-height: 20.796875px;">Soon, Yemenis won’t require a visa to travel to Turkey. Turkey would be one of the few countries around the world that won’t require visa applications from Yemeni nationals. Furthermore, some Yemenis have said Turkey is recruiting fighters from Yemen to fight in Syria against current President Bashar Assad.</span></span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><span style="color: #444444; line-height: 20.796875px;">"This is the most ridiculous thing that I heard. It is almost a laughing matter if the subject and aim of the allegation was not so serious. These allegations are like free-flying balloons released by obscure sources online and then whomever catches the bait, some knowingly and others inadvertently, spreads the news. Yemen has an incredibly fertile ground for every kind of conspiracy and thus, conspiracy theories abound. The lack of trust and transparency by inept and corrupt personalities allows modifiers of public opinion to play freely with these kinds of conspiracies, all in order to promote their own wicked agendas. In the case of this “balloon,” the quality of work is so low that it gives itself up.</span></span> </blockquote>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><span style="color: #444444; line-height: 20.796875px;">If Turkey would like to recruit Yemeni fighters for Syria, why would we sign an agreement to abolish visas? It's a public move that would attract the world’s attention. Also, why is the Yemeni government with its General People's Congress Foreign Minister accepting such an agreement? Wouldn’t it be simpler and wiser to just let the ‘recruited fighters’ enter into Turkey if that is what we wanted? Furthermore, this visa abolishing agreement was originally signed in January of 2011, under the presence of former President Saleh and the current President of Turkey in Sana'a. At that point, there was no revolution, neither in Yemen nor in Syria. The ratification of the agreement took longer than anticipated due to turmoil in Yemen and it was re-signed in October of 2012.</span></span> </blockquote>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><span style="color: #444444; line-height: 20.796875px;">I would like to kindly remind our Yemeni sisters and brothers that by implementing this agreement, Turkey will be one of the very few countries that opens its borders to Yemenis for free travel, and vice versa, all while the rest of the world puts more restrictions on Yemenis. We expect that it be appreciated. Those few who may still believe that Turkey recruits fighters are free of course, to ignore the agreement and to not travel to Turkey to save themselves from the risks of being lured into fighting in Syria.”</span></span></blockquote>
<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><span style="color: #444444; line-height: 20.796875px;"> When asked to comment on Iran’s involvement in Yemen, Ambassador Çorman had the following to say: </span></span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><span style="color: #444444; line-height: 20.796875px;">“When it comes to your question about Iran or any country’s influence in Yemen, I want to believe that no partner of Yemen interferes in the internal affairs of the country. It is only the business of Yemenis to choose their partnerships as they see fit. It is true Yemen is facing many challenges, some internal and some external and we are ready to extend all necessary contributions for the consolidation of peace and stability in Yemen, as well as the well-being of the Yemeni people. Despite difficulties, I am confident to say that we are doing our best to help.”</span></span></blockquote>
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Yemeniaty.comhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/05297596596596215960noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2247279833949702327.post-8147056167091497172013-04-29T22:41:00.001-07:002013-04-30T19:54:16.245-07:00On Drones: Yemeni Americans, Yemenis and Americans<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">This Monday, Aljazeera Stream held a conversation with journalist Jeremy Scahill to discuss his latest book, "<a href="http://www.amazon.com/Dirty-Wars-The-World-Battlefield/dp/156858671X">Dirty Wars: the World is a Battlefield"</a>. The book is over 615 pages and "focuses on America's expanding covert wars and the White House claiming the legal authority to kill U.S. citizens". Anwar Al-Awlaki, an American/Yemeni clerk, was killed in a drone strike in Yemen and is a central figure in Scahill's book. He is the third American killed in Yemen by a drone, the other two are: Samir Khan and Abdulrahman Al-Awlaki, Anwar's 16 year old son.</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', serif; font-size: large;">After our conversation, it became apparent that the US has no intention of "capturing enemies" because they wouldn't know what to do with them. It is now a war of drones. Evan Cinq-Mars, a fellow speaker on the Stream, asked how this war will end. This is the question that everyone needs to be asking, because the use of drones is only helping AQAP recruit sympathizers which will lead to the use of more drones, and so on...</span><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><br />
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<span style="font-size: large;"> </span><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEisf7G2H3oBNEFIFwGJzic9d8MTmaNhpXTDDqfBo89dWxSmXvRnIxSjTnQk7IC79WLWZ3kDl6n8_vxQDDPXx_nVBubzQpCugzi7cXNZU4b7fgJVwmovJV6nUK9Nkqx_sLyFxiaQxmRXjLg/s1600/2013041395132659.jpg" style="font-size: x-large;"><img border="0" height="400" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEisf7G2H3oBNEFIFwGJzic9d8MTmaNhpXTDDqfBo89dWxSmXvRnIxSjTnQk7IC79WLWZ3kDl6n8_vxQDDPXx_nVBubzQpCugzi7cXNZU4b7fgJVwmovJV6nUK9Nkqx_sLyFxiaQxmRXjLg/s400/2013041395132659.jpg" width="300" /></a></span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">From left to right: Al-Awlaki's cousin, Activist Bushra Al Maqtari, and Rabyaah</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;">There are obvious consequences to this policy (death, terror, etc) but, there is unrecognizable damage that could lead to sustained nonphysical conflict. There is a clash of cultures and Yemeni Americans are in the midst of it. They are rejected by association; in the US for being Arabs and maybe "terrorists" and in Yemen for being Western and for supporting "terrorists". The struggle within them is a reflection of the increasing tensions between the two countries. </span><br />
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<span style="font-size: large;"><u>The US and increasing tensions: </u></span><br />
<br />
<span style="font-size: large;">Due to the current economic recession, the US is only able to focus on anti-terrorism/security efforts in Yemen. The diplomats at the American Embassy in Yemen are restricted in movement to a small portion of Sana'a where they don't actually meet the real/average Yemeni. It is understandable why Americans would be cautious, especially after the shameful attacks on the US Embassy in Libya and the resulting assassination of the Ambassador there. However, the primary role of embassies is to practice diplomacy and with so many restrictions, it is illogical to expect sincere communication between the two countries. </span><br />
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<span style="font-size: large;">Prior to 1990, the US was primarily focused on its security. Its foreign policy included countering the former USSR (the South of Yemen, a separate country prior to 1990, was Marxist and an ally of USSR). After unification in 1990, the US focused on some development and educational/cultural exchange programs. There are two challenges facing US-Yemeni relations.</span><br />
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<span style="font-size: large;">First, the development programs were concentrated on the Northern parts of Yemen while the majority of the drone strikes and AQAP activity is carried out in the South. The role of the US prior to the Arab Spring focused on supporting leaders in the Middle East who, in Yemen's case, weren't interested in the overall welfare of their people. To Southern separatists, former president, Ali Abdullah Saleh, is an ally of the US but the main enemy. Currently, Southern separatist leaders are snubbed by the Yemeni government and the drone strikes carried out by the US in Southern regions of Yemen exacerbate the tensions. </span><br />
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<span style="font-size: large;">It appears to some Yemenis that the US continues to support regimes rather than the people. To make matters worse, the US educational exchange programs haven't increased and their efforts are upstaged by several other countries who are providing better opportunities to Yemenis. Furthermore, it is near impossible for Yemenis to obtain visas for travel to the US. Every male over the age of 18 is treated like a suspect and until proven innocent, he will remain in Yemen. </span><br />
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<span style="font-size: large;"><u>To be a Yemeni in America: </u></span></span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><span style="font-size: large;"><br />
Some Yemenis live in communities, close to each other and maintain a traditional lifestyle, but others, like me, like to integrate into American society. Over the past seven years, I have come to love this country. Throughout several interactions, it became clear that many Americans don't know anything about Yemen but that the country harbors terrorists. I have been examined carefully because I look and behave in a similar manner. Some would say: "You don't look like a Yemeni!" but since they don't know much about the country, no Yemeni will look like one. </span><br />
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<span style="font-size: large;">Yemeni-Americans have to challenge the "terrorist" stereotype on a daily basis. This stereotype is harsh and Yemenis in the US are burdened with the responsibility of representing all Yemenis, not just themselves. When disaster strikes in the US, Yemenis across the world, but more specifically in the US pray that the attacker is not Yemeni, nor has ties to Yemen. Yemenis in the US don't need that kind of attention. So we spend our lives telling Americans about our architecture, our coffee, our sky-rises and our queens. But all of that doesn't matter when an event like the Boston Marathon bombing takes place. Reporting on the incident, Chris Matthews proves that stereotypes persist: </span></span><br />
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><span style="font-size: large;">"To be blunt and not be into political profiling or racial profiling but when you look at a picture that we’re looking at now are there people in the FBI in the investigative world that can look at the picture, study it ethnographically and figure what the odds are on a fellow like that being from different parts of the world say YEMEN…”</span></span></blockquote>
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><br />
<span style="font-size: large;">While Yemenis are offended and angry, it is not an option to be so. They have to restrain their anger and accept it for the sake of their heritage. As Americans they love America and don't want it to get hurt. Finally, Yemenis in America, like other Americans, are just as terrified of AQAP. </span><br />
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<span style="font-size: large;"><u>The Role of Yemen</u>: </span><br />
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<span style="font-size: large;">In the early 1990s, the Yemeni government promised to care for its people. Prior to that, and after only a few years of ruling in the North, former President Saleh had the key to remain in power for what seemed like a lifetime. Democracy and free elections continued to be a notion that Yemenis talk about but not really experience especially since none of the neighboring countries were democracies (mostly monarchies or dictatorships). </span><br />
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<span style="font-size: large;">With globalization and the advancement of technology, many things in Yemen changed. Regardless, Saleh continued to rule. The Yemeni government took responsibility for the first drones used against AQAP; not to make the US look good, but rather because Saleh knew that he was betraying his own people. Some accuse Saleh's regime of fostering terrorist groups in order to fill his pockets. Others accuse him of feeding Americans false intelligence in order to attack his own rivals. While these accusations may or may not be true, the fact was that the government was no longer responsible for what goes on in its own land with its own people. </span><br />
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<span style="font-size: large;">Today, President Abdurabbu Mansour Hadi is expected to meet the demands of the Yemeni people. While he needs to deal with the economic recession, poverty, famine, lack of security, etc. He is still expected to protest the excessive use of drones in Yemen (at least against signature strikes). In a separate conversation, a fellow Yemeni pointed out that president Hadi doesn't have a lot of leverage with the US because they are his main "backers", leaving his hands tied. Still, Scahill's statement resonates with me: "We need to hold our own government accountable"...</span><br />
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<span style="font-size: large;"><u>To be an American in Yemen</u>: </span><br />
<br />
<span style="font-size: large;">My last trip to Yemen was in August of 2012 and anti-American sentiments were at an all time high. It was clear that the majority of Yemenis felt let down by their own government but even clearer that they were more so by the US. To them, liberal voices in the United States are silent on the killings carried out by drones on innocent lives. In turn, the liberals in Yemen, abandoned their American counterpart.</span><br />
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<span style="font-size: large;">When Yemeni-Americans go back to Yemen, they become responsible for representing the values of America in Yemen. In his testimony on drones before congress, Farea' Al-Muslimi states:</span></span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><span style="font-size: large;">"I went to the U.S. as an ambassador for Yemen. I came back to Yemen as an ambassador of the U.S."</span></span></blockquote>
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><span style="font-size: large;">When Yemeni-Americans are in Yemen, they feel the need to represent America well. They explain to Yemenis that what they see is a product of fear. Yemenis need to realize that these reactions do not reflect the sentiments of the American people. What Yemenis view as the US is nothing more than the implementation of a policy decided by branch within the US government: not even the entirety of the US government agree on it. However, these facts become harder to swallow as the heedless use of drones continues to increase. </span><br />
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<span style="font-size: large;"><u>The solution: </u></span><br />
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<span style="font-size: large;">American Diplomats in Yemen are in a tough place. President Hadi is in a tough place. People in the US are scared of terrorism and Yemenis are scared of drones. </span></span></div>
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</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><span style="font-size: large;">No one can predict the end of this "war". The current tactics are futile; they are short term responses that postpone a real solution. To end these conflicts, we need to suspend militaristic realism, and we need to employ empathy and communication to foster amity in the long term. Finally, I have endless gratitude for Yemeni-Americans and Americans in Yemen who inspire peace rather than promote fear. </span></span></div>
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Yemeniaty.comhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/05297596596596215960noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2247279833949702327.post-36966683156822875622013-04-14T18:01:00.000-07:002013-04-14T18:01:36.703-07:00Hadi’s Gamble: Yemen’s Military Restructuring and its Impact on the Future<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">My latest Op-Ed for <a href="http://www.thenational.ae/thenationalconversation/comment/hadis-military-shake-up-helps-him-but-not-yemen#ixzz2QUOQgZN6">The National</a></span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">On April 10, Yemen's President Abdrabu Mansur Hadi boldly issued a decree to restructure the nation's military. The most notable achievements of this decree was dismantling former president Ali Abdullah Saleh's grip on the military by sending many of his relatives abroad as diplomats. <br /><br />The decision reinforced Mr Hadi's previous military decrees to abolish the First Armoured Division led by Gen Ali Mohsen Al Ahmar, and the Republican Guard, led by Mr Saleh's eldest son, Ahmed. These two units stirred the most controversy. <br /><br />Still, the decree is a major gamble by Mr Hadi, who is looking to ease the tensions that have paralysed Yemen for the past two years. This move is aimed to define the function of the new military, but it will likely increase tensions in the long run rather than solve them. <br /><br />The military structure is made up of three different powers: From the north, Gen Mohsen, who defected from the former regime, was named the chief military adviser to the president. As such, he will have major influence on the military. Together with the Islah party the main opposition party in Yemen, they control almost half of the military. <br /><br />Mr Hadi, who hails from the south, controls the second large portion of the country's forces. The last component of the military belongs to the remnants of Mr Saleh's regime. <br /><br />Based on these divisions, it is apparent that the military wasn't able to shake off former tribal influences, which leads to the conclusion that three main struggles are likely to arise due to geographical and ideological differences. <br /><br />First, the northern powers of Gen Mohsen and Islah could threaten the Houthis, who control a largely autonomous area on the border with Saudi Arabia. Second, the southern powers of Mr Hadi could try to curb Hirak's separatist influence in the south. But th real struggle will manifest within the military, between the components as they strive for power and dominance. <br /><br />In the past decade, the Yemeni government has fought an onagain, offagain guerrilla war against the Houthis, a Shia revivalist group. All of the six wars were spearheaded by Gen Mohsen under Saleh's regime. But, once Mr Saleh agreed to step down in late 2011, the conflict took on more of a sectarian character, as the Houthis increasingly clashed with tribal and religious militias linked Islah. These two strands of antiHouthi resistance are now coming together. <br /><br />Gen Mohsen may have lost his armoured division, but he remains a key military figure in the new order. More importantly, two of hi allies have been named regional commanders in the areas bordering the Houthis' stronghold in the north. As expected, the Houthi have marched against Mr Hadi's military reshuffling, believing that their enemies are looking to surround them and destroy them. <br /><br />The threat to the Houthis is highly dangerous, particularly since the Houthis tend to lash out whenever they feel cornered. </span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><br />In the south, the rest of the military will be occupied with a different conflict. The leadership of Hirak, the southern movement pushin for secession, has refused to join the National Dialogue which is now underway. Almost all of the south's leadership, including Mr Hadi himself, belonged at some point to Yemen's Socialist Party. <br /><br />Today, these leaders are divided between those who support the president, and in turn unity, and those who do not. Personal vendettas and long-standing feuds still colour much of the interaction in the south.<br /><br />Two scenarios are possible: First, as is the case in the past, mysterious assassinations could begin between these opposing forces. Or, the conflict could morph into several regional conflicts.<br /><br />Ultimately, the lives of separatists will be in danger. The military will always support the home region of the president, Abyan, and Islahis will not hesitate to involve their militias and their hold on the military to gain control over southern territories.<br /><br />Yet the most important struggle will be the one within the military itself. The two dominating powers of the military, Gen Mohsen and Islah on the one hand and Mr Hadi's forces on the other, could easily result in a typical north-south regional schism. But it could also take on a more ideological flavour between those aligned with Islah and those who oppose the conservative religious party. Islah is looking to rule and Mr Hadi, at some point, will have to seriously consider joining forces with them.<br /><br />That leaves Mr Saleh's allies, the vulnerable component of the military, to seek new alliances outside of the military. It is likely that they will collaborate with the Houthis and Hirak.<br /><br />The new military decree suggests that Mr Hadi is unlikely to step down in 2014, or even 2016 for that matter. Through the military, Mr Hadi is finally establishing his authority and if he leaves in the near future, the balance of power in Yemen will be skewed. Yemenis will continue to battle over political, ideological and regional influence.<br /><br />The military restructuring doesn't solve Yemen's infighting. Rather, it could exacerbate it at a time when the country has more pressing issues. Within this military reshuffle are the seeds of years of future conflicts.</span></div>
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Yemeniaty.comhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/05297596596596215960noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2247279833949702327.post-73317894171740222013-04-12T09:13:00.000-07:002013-04-12T13:57:38.415-07:00Military Restructuring in Yemen: Exploring Transformation <div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">President Hadi's decree no. 16 for 2013 on military restructuring has been dubbed "historical" and "unprecedented". It was welcomed by most media outlets. On Yemen's ground, the news received mixed reviews: those who protest Saleh's immunity are upset that these appointments "reward criminals", while those who are skeptical of the transitional period are relieved to see many of Saleh's men transferred outside of the country. It is a chance for stability. Like Yemenis say, <i>Le Kol Hadethen Hadeeth,</i> For each occasion its own conversation. So, in today's post, Yemeniaty examines the focal points of the new appointments and whether it is really historical. </span><br />
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><b>The New Military </b></span><br />
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj4RSFkdoOazpbLdm52VegWSKKJWpTGLabstqMX0Ls8GngEmS8um5CwTWtqEgV_5dGw-zriGHDaA4esHsCW3maGx4yW8ZgAd6xvCa6ao56J2sSuvNoxHtqta563MD1OwU-UdtPPDWLpqC0/s1600/Final+Distributions+of+Military+positions+based+on+governorates.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><img border="0" height="342" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj4RSFkdoOazpbLdm52VegWSKKJWpTGLabstqMX0Ls8GngEmS8um5CwTWtqEgV_5dGw-zriGHDaA4esHsCW3maGx4yW8ZgAd6xvCa6ao56J2sSuvNoxHtqta563MD1OwU-UdtPPDWLpqC0/s640/Final+Distributions+of+Military+positions+based+on+governorates.jpg" width="640" /></span></a></div>
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">The previous chart reveals the new power distribution based on governorates/region. The regions colored in white didn't gain any influence. Conversations on military restructuring can prove confusing; however, one must remember these key points: </span><br />
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">1) Mohsen's First Armor Division and Saleh's Republican Guard are dissolved. </span><br />
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">2) Regional Military Commanders are independent from local military units. </span><br />
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">3) The Military reserve now follows the Ministry of Defense and no longer the President. </span><br />
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">4) Military divisons are now based on tasks and each have designated weapons (Yes, it was a mess!).</span><br />
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">5) The Military will be composed of seven commands based on geographical divisions. However these commands will be labeled numerically rather than regionally. (Note Hadi's Southern Mentality: after independence from British Colonialism, Southerners referred to governorates by numbers rather than by their traditional names).</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">The seven regional divisions are as follows: Regional Division 1 (Sayoun), Regional Division 2 (Al-Mukalla), Regional Division 3 (Marib), Regional Division 4 (Aden), Regional Division 5 (Al- Hodaydah), Regional Division 6 ('Amran), and finally Regional Division 7 (Dhamar). </span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><b>The New Power Struggle </b></span><br />
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">The main distribution of military power reveals three key players. First, it is important to note that Saleh's power is not entirely gone as he did rule the country for 33 years.Thus, one of the key players is (what is left of) his regime. Out of the new seven military commands, Saleh's allies still have two.</span><br />
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">The two other key players are relatively new: in the North there is Ali Mohsen and Al-Islah and in the South there is Hadi. </span><br />
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhT1yAwbuXqi7wQPyFhnK7CZRLvalTG8EzklL_-Lcaqo4bL1CK4-gjNkCWjVaQCL_cGwS4Zs4wBUkTjVv6ocwZoHqhwlUiO2uEfFZ4vlCifFU-815J1eBrAmA1H1F7HoY4NDbiKTO5vULM/s1600/Military's+Power+Struggle.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><img border="0" height="350" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhT1yAwbuXqi7wQPyFhnK7CZRLvalTG8EzklL_-Lcaqo4bL1CK4-gjNkCWjVaQCL_cGwS4Zs4wBUkTjVv6ocwZoHqhwlUiO2uEfFZ4vlCifFU-815J1eBrAmA1H1F7HoY4NDbiKTO5vULM/s640/Military's+Power+Struggle.jpg" width="640" /></span></a></div>
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">In the North, Ali Mohsen came out on top while Al-Ahmar's family, still belonging to Islah, did not really get what they want. Colonel Hashem Al-Ahmar was sent away as part of Saleh's men to Saudi Arabia to hold the position of Defense Attaché. Carefully, Islah is strengthening its relationship with Ali Mohsen. Under Mohsen's direct influence are Major General Al-Sawmali, First Regional Military Commander (Region Sayoun), Major General Al-Maqdashi, Sixth Regional Military Commander (Region 'Amran), and Brigadier General Shamiri, Commander of the 27th Mechanized Brigade. Islah's most influence is on Brigadier General Muthana, Seventh Regional Military Commander (Region Dhamar). The combined Northern powers control almost half of the seven military commands. </span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">As for the South, Hadi distributed a generous amount of positions for people who were once members of the former YSP. Recalling Al-Toghmah and Al-Zomrah YSP divisons, one might be pleasantly surprised to know that Hadi, a Zomrah himself, appointed 13 Al-Toghmah members. Some might, wrongfully, consider it a peace offering to the Southern Hirak. Unfortunately, this is not the case. Those specific Toghmah individuals abandoned their former allies and are now loyal to Hadi. Furthermore, all of the Toghmah individuals were secondary commanders to begin with. </span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">Not to mention that Hadi is using a familiar tactic. Saleh previously appointed people from his town/village in important positions and now Hadi is following suit. Take Major General Mhanaf, the new Chief of the Intelligence Bureau; he replaced the Southern Al-Yafi'i, mainly because Mhanaf is from the same part of Abbyan as Hadi. Not to mention that the New Minister of Defense, Brigadier General Hujairi, and the Assistant Secretary of Denfense for Human Resources, Major General Ben Fareed, are all Hadi's men. Assertively, Hadi positioned his authority as the new kid on the block. The new military is in the hands of Mohsen and Islah in the North and Hadi in the South. </span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><b>Farewell Saleh?</b> </span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">Every time we begin to forget former President Saleh's name, a news article here or there reminds us of his presence. Whether is it news over his health, an opening of a "Saleh museum", or delivering a speech about freedom, he somehow reappears. Saleh would have been forgotten a lot quicker if it wasn't for his carefully formulated central authority. He spent years positioning those who are near and dear to him in powerful positions. Just when Yemenis were giving up hope, President Hadi decided to play scramble with his men. Hadi, diplomatically, gave them ambassadorial and consular positions. </span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">In a twist of fate, this move, applied on Saleh's allies, was utilized by Saleh himself. For years, he sent individuals inconvenient to his authority into the foreign service program. For instance he sent the three following men to Washington DC as Ambassadors: Yehya Al-Mutawakkil, Mohammed Al-Eryani and Mohsen Al-'Aini. Now, it is Hadi's time. </span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">Hadi began with Ahmed Ali Saleh, previously expected to inherit Yemen's presidency. Saleh the son will settle for the position of Ambassador in the United Arab Emirates. There, he can join other members of his family who settled in Abu Dhabi over the past two years. He is guaranteed to live in luxury and to relax for the rest of his diplomatic career. As for the rest of Saleh's family and allies, they were appointed as Defense Attachés to the following countries: Qatar, Egypt, Germany, Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and Ethiopia. </span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><b>The Rise of Ali Mohsen</b></span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">Major General Ali Mohsen is from the same city as Saleh, Sanhan. Ali Mohsen served as Saleh's right hand man for decades as the president's Chief Military Advisor. Some called him "the second most powerful man in Yemen" and others who knew him more closely called him "the most powerful man in Yemen". In December of 2012, some thought that Mohsen's glory was coming to an end since his <span style="background-color: white; line-height: 19.200000762939453px;">First Armoured Division was terminated. </span></span><span style="font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', serif; font-size: large;">However, in April 2013, and according to Hadi's decree, Mohsen is once more a presidential Military Advisor. </span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">The rise of Ali Mohsen was expected, and in fact slower than anticipated. Ali Mohsen's defection in March of 2011 from Saleh was the catalyst that encouraged </span><br />
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">those who were loyal to the former president to oppose him publicly. Mohsen abandoned his life long friend after rumored disagreements on Ahmed Ali Saleh's (Saleh's oldest son) growing influence in Yemen. In this power struggle, Mohsen came out on top. Shortly after Mohsen declaration of "supporting and protecting the revolutionaries" Islah welcomed Mohsen as a freedom fighter, forgiving all his past sins. On the other hand, independent revolutionaries considered his role in the revolution as a clear indication that Yemen's revolution was hijacked and doomed. Realistically, it would be near impossible to dispose of Mohsen. His influence couldn't be shaken and now he is part of the new system. So today, we have the "March 21st Garden" in Mathbah (Sana'a) as a park for Yemenis in place of Mohsen's former First Armor Division. </span><br />
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Yemeniaty.comhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/05297596596596215960noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2247279833949702327.post-26647230950357201892013-04-03T08:53:00.000-07:002013-04-03T08:57:18.064-07:00Female Agency in the Yemeni Transition <div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><span style="font-size: small; font-weight: normal;">This is published in the International Training Programme for Conflict Management (ITPCM) and can be found online </span><a href="http://www.itpcm.dirpolis.sssup.it/files/2013/04/YEMEN_MARCH_2013_HIGH.pdf" style="font-size: medium; font-weight: normal;" target="_blank">here</a><span style="font-size: small; font-weight: normal;">.</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><span style="vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><span style="font-size: large;">For the first time since unity in 1990, Yemeni women are challenging tradition. Breaking curfews, participating in political activities after nightfall, reciting folkloric poetry and shouting revolutionary slogans became common during and after the Revolution. For women, the Revolution was truly exceptional. They participated in sit-ins and addressed mixed crowds. The decoration of Nobel Peace Prize Laureate Tawakkul Karman underscored the activism of Yemeni women around the world. Yemeni women were featured in numerous magazines, websites and newspapers as champions of civil society. During the uprising, women were equally as influential as men.
In essence, women initiated a revolution within a revolution. The presence of Arab women in the public sphere during the Arab Spring misled many observers to believe that a women’s right movement was underway. Others were skeptical, warning that once political regimes began to collapse, the status quo would be restored. Only a few bothered to ask: what do women want from their Revolution?
Yemeni women cannot uniformly answer this question because their experiences are not monolithic. The political dichotomy of the North and South produced alternate realities for women, especially as the North is more conservative and tribal than the South. After the unity in 1990, these realities continued to change based on the location, affluence and heritage of a woman’s family. Coupled with Yemen’s patriarchal and conservative culture, it was difficult to establish a unanimous movement for women.
The current transitional government has three women Ministers out of 35. The Technical Preparatory Committee (TPC)</span><span style="font-size: x-small;">[1] </span><span style="font-size: large;">for the National Dialogue was composed of 19% women. One female out of 301 members is a parliamentarian and two women are members of the Shura Council. These political positions, none of which are decision-making, give the impression that women in Yemen have a greater role in the executive branch. The term “feminism” in itself remains controversial, and gender issues must be handled with care. In a system that is discriminatory in its legislation</span><span style="font-size: x-small;">[2]</span><span style="font-size: large;"> against women, “feminist” objectives can be sidelined.
Since women’s freedoms were restricted after Saleh’s fall, it became apparent that some of the women who participated in the uprisings were merely pawns for opposition parties. Despite these setbacks, there have been minor improvements to women’s political participation. On March 18, the National Dialogue began, leaving the fate of Yemen’s entire female population in the hands of a few women from various political backgrounds. Their goal is to simultaneously advocate on behalf of their parties and organizations, as well as women more broadly. As of now, existing accommodations made for women are insufficient, making it difficult for the National Dialogue to facilitate gender equality. Women must lobby for their rights outside of politics, and approach the problem from a different perspective to see results.
</span><b style="font-size: x-large;">As Feminists or as Politicians at the National Dialogue?</b></span></span></div>
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Current president, Abd Rabbuh Mansour Hadi, made a point of advocating a 30% female quota in the National Dialogue. The conference will separate members into nine working committees.</span><span style="font-size: x-small;">[3] </span><span style="font-size: large;">Members have submitted their committee choice to the President</span><span style="font-size: x-small;">[4] </span><span style="font-size: large;">of the dialogue and his six deputies, none of which are women. Soon, these committees will begin their deliberations. Even though women’s issues deserve broader representation across the board, the topic will be examined under the eighth committee, “Rights and Freedoms”. Constitutional reform will be discussed in a separate committee, “Good Governance”. The structure of the dialogue does not support wholesale changes to the status of women’s rights, and it is not evident that discussion of women’s issues will make it into questions concerning constitutional reform.
The status of women and their inability to affect change through the Dialogue are exacerbated by two problems. First, some of the women selected to participate are at a crossroads: are they feminists or politicians first? Are they representatives of their party or of women? Yemen’s “democratic” transition has played out as an exclusively political process through which women are incentivized to champion ideas that oppress other women. Unified by gender but divided by politics, women in the National Dialogue will frame gender issues like women’s security, economic poverty and illiteracy as political issues. Based on political divisions, the methodology of dealing with these topics will vary. Religious parties like Islah, Ansar Allah (Zaydi), Al-Haq (Zaydi and Hanafi) and Al-Rashad (Salafi) would approach women’s issues from a Shar’iah perspective, but ideological differences are likely to cause disagreements. Socialist groups, independents and even Ba’thist will advocate non-religious reforms or a mixture of both. A single group of unified women is much more powerful than smaller groups of women that are at odds. These political issues will polarize the women’s agenda and make it susceptible to the principle of divide and rule.
Second, the same tactics used to question the legitimacy of the dialogue can be used to challenge solutions proposed to promote women’s rights. Any “feminist” agenda could be quickly dismissed as part of a Western conspiracy, since the dialogue itself is viewed as a foreign initiative rather than the result of a grassroots national process. Like several Arab Spring nations, Yemen is witnessing a rise in Islamic fundamentalism. Four religious parties will participate in the dialogue, and since Islah gained more influence beginning in 1994, female judges were dismissed as “incompetent in Islamic Law” and public schools were gender segregated after the sixth grade.</span><span style="font-size: x-small;">[5]</span><span style="font-size: large;"> A narrow implementation of Islamic Shari’ah is expected. In Yemen, female equality is argued as a social liberalization process antithetical to religion, which could guarantee its failure. In Yemen’s conservative culture, religion dominates politics. The prevalence of early marriages in Yemen provides a revealing case.
When Islah gained influence in Saleh’s government, the marriage age of 15 was abolished</span><span style="font-size: x-small;">[6]</span><span style="font-size: large;">. Since 2007, several governmental and non-governmental campaigns were launched in hopes of mandating a marriage age, but none of them succeeded. Radical interpretations of Islam were used to manipulate and limit the scope of female self-determination. The problem of child marriages still persists. According to Amal Basha, the spokesperson of the TPC, it has been a struggle to add the issue of underage marriage to the agenda of the National Dialogue. Eventually, TPC members “unanimously agreed to give it social priority.” Addressing child marriages, again, as a social issue with the same political actors makes it hard to fathom how social transformation can emerge through the National Dialogue. If previous methods proved futile, Yemeni women need to seek alternatives.
</span><b style="font-size: x-large;">Gender Strategies Outside the Social Realm</b></span></span></div>
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To improve women’s conditions, women need to frame their arguments outside of politics. A strategy that separates women’s issues from traditional values could prove successful in Yemen. Currently, 54% of Yemeni women are married before they reach the age of 18.</span><span style="font-size: x-small;">[7] </span><span style="font-size: large;">By tackling the “side effects” of child marriages, Yemenis can limit its social prominence without causing an overwhelming social backlash. About 58% of Yemeni women are illiterate.</span><span style="font-size: x-small;">[8] </span><span style="font-size: large;">Educational policies put in place by the government can assure that more girls are going to school. In Yemen, marriage means being a full-time homemaker, and if more girls are going to school, then they are less likely to marry or having children at a young age. Other strategies can tackle the same problem. Innovative health policies can produce substantial changes in reducing the high maternal and infant mortality rates.</span><span style="font-size: x-small;">[9]</span><span style="font-size: large;"> Poverty alleviation programs are another method through which women can lobby for reform. Since 44% of the Yemeni population is acutely malnourished</span><span style="font-size: x-small;">[10]</span><span style="font-size: large;">, financial incentives can promote the use of contraceptives</span><span style="font-size: x-small;">[11]</span><span style="font-size: large;"> to control population growth and address food scarcity.
It is unlikely that women’s issues will receive special attention, since Hadi’s administration has been preoccupied with more pressing issues like security and military reforms. With soaring inflation and an unemployment rate at 42.5%</span><span style="font-size: x-small;">[12]</span><span style="font-size: large;">, the nation is facing several challenges. Therefore, women need to address their needs by mobilizing collectively. Between Sa’dah’s six wars and Al-Qaeda’s occupation of Abyan, 50% of Yemen’s Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) are between 5-17 years old</span><span style="font-size: x-small;">[13]</span><span style="font-size: large;">. Only a quarter of IDPs from all age groups return to their homes</span><span style="font-size: x-small;">[14]</span><span style="font-size: large;">. These challenges impose damage on the female body. Displacement can also lead to rape, gender violence, human trafficking, and prostitution. Women as a group need to realize that protecting their gender is feasible through security programs.
Another collective concern is the deteriorating economy. In March, Friends of Yemen pledged around 7.5 billion dollars</span><span style="font-size: x-small;">[15]</span><span style="font-size: large;"> in assistance to Yemen. While the majority of the money is allocated to development programs, the government must assign a portion of it to specifically empower female entrepreneurship Without change, the nation will continue to be the lowest ranked country in the world in gender equality. Increasing female participation in the labour market can decrease harmful social traditions. Using women as agents of economic reform can result in the creation of a new workforce that facilitates the self-determination of women.
</span><b style="font-size: x-large;">Conclusions</b></span></span></div>
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The national dialogue promoted the inclusion of women in the transitional process, but this inclusion does not guarantee a transformation of reality in Yemen. Previous tactics, like addressing women’s issues as social concerns, could lead to political manipulation. Also, these measures have been proven ineffective. The dialogue is still in its infancy. Until a clearer picture of the Dialogue’s trajectory emerges, women will not be able to formulate a viable strategy.
The National Dialogue is attempting to address numerous concerns at once, while struggling to maintain unity and reform a corrupt political system. For the time being, women need to advocate through each of the nine working committees. The female members of the dialogue are responsible for tackling women’s issues strategically from every possible front, because the obstacles facing them are not independent of each other, but are closely related and must be treated as such.
To restrict the harmful consequences of tradition, non-social solutions should be considered. For instance, increasing female participation in educational programs, health programs and in workforce can alleviate problems such as child marriage. If more girls are going to schools then less of them are available for marriage. Affordable and accessible health care can reduce early deaths amongst young mothers and infants. Economic opportunities for women can provide families with additional income. While it is challenging to demand equality in a conservative culture, it is reasonable to demand equal access to health, education and economic opportunities.
For the full emancipation of women, Yemen’s constitution must clearly delineate women’s rights, otherwise laws will continue to sanction the oppression of women. Women in the dialogue need new methods and must remain cautious of political ploys. Gender equality is difficult to achieve, but it will only become possible once we are aware of alternative options.
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</span><span style="font-size: x-small;">[1] A 31-member Committee commissioned by President Hadi to decide on the size of participants, the rules for eligibility and for the mechanisms used during the dialogue.
[2] Laws do not dictate but rather permit discrimination. For example, the Personal Status Law on wife’s obedience sanctions marital rape and restricts women’s freedom of movement.
[3] Committees are divided based on Issues: Southern Issue, Sa’dah Issue, National Issues, State-building, Good Governance, Military & Security building, Independent Agencies, Rights & Freedoms, and Comprehensive Development.
[4] President of the Dialogue is President Hadi.
[5] Molyneux, Maxine, “Women’s Rights and Political Contingency: The Case of Yemen, 1990-1994.” Middle East Journal 49.3 (1995): 418-31.
[6] Khalife, Nadya, How Come You Allow Little Girls to Get Married?: Child Marriages in Yemen. New York, NY: Human Rights Watch, 2011.
[7] “Yemen: A Wake Up Call to Early Marriage.” Oxfam International Blogs. Oxfam, 30 August 2012, retrieved on-line 15 March 2013.
[8] According to World Bank Indicators, 2010.
[9] “Yemen: A Wake Up Call to Early Marriage.” Oxfam International Blogs. Oxfam, 30 August 2012, retrieved on-line 15 March 2013.
[10] Burki, Talha, “Yemen’s Hunger Crisis.” The Lancet 380.9842 (2012): 637-38.
[11] Only 9.3% of Yemen’s population uses a modern form of contraception. USAID Country Health Statistical Report, Rep. Washington DC: Bureau of Global Health, 2009.
[12] The Second National Millenium Development Goals Report. Sana’a: United Nations Development Fund and the Republic of Yemen, 2010.
[13] The Republic of Yemen. Operational Unit for IDPs Camps. Information Center.Summary Showing the Number of Households by the Orginal District and Governorates. Sana’a: ROY, 2013.
[14] Ibid.
[15] Andersen, Inger. “Friends of Yemen: World Bank Vice President Inger Andersen Urges Support for Yemen’s Transition.” Friends of Yemen: World Bank Vice President Inger Andersen Urges Support for Yemen’s Transition, The World Bank, 7 March 2013 retrieved on-line 14 March 2013.</span></span></span></div>
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Yemeniaty.comhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/05297596596596215960noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2247279833949702327.post-53562308514801955082013-03-30T11:55:00.001-07:002013-03-30T13:16:30.882-07:00Yemen's National Dialogue Working Committee: Visual Learners Edition<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><i>(Reproduction of the following charts is permitted as long as they sourced to Yemeniaty)</i></span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">On March 30th, Yemen's <a href="http://www.ndc.ye/" target="_blank">National Dialogue website</a> released the names of the members participating in the nine working groups. The nine working committees will discuss the following topics: </span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">1) Southern Issue </span><br />
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">2) Sa'dah Issue </span><br />
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">3) Good Governance </span><br />
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">4) State building </span><br />
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">5) National Reconciliation</span><br />
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">6) Development</span><br />
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">7) Rights and Freedoms </span><br />
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">8) Army and Security </span><br />
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">9) Independent/Social Issues</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">Although it seems like the final list will need revisions since several lists appeared online and were circulated amongst Yemenis with different numbers of participants. So far 11 members withdrew from the dialogue: </span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">- One independent: Ahmed Saif Hashed </span><br />
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">- Three from Islah: (1) Mohsin Ba'Sorah, (2) Tawakkol Karman and (3)Sheikh Hameed Al Ahmar </span><br />
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">- Seven from Hirak: (1) Ismahan Al-'Alas, (2) Saleh Taher Al-Isa'ey, (3) Abdulaziz Abdul Hameed Al Maflihi, (4) Sheikh Tarek Al Mohami, (5) Mahmoud Shaief Hussein, (6) Mustafa Zain Al-'Aidaroos and (7) Khaled Ba-Ras. </span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">The total number of participant should be 554; however, after several revisions to different lists the following charts are based on a 555 member conference. </span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">Here are the groups: </span><br />
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiDnYILbRmnONNJHr5rApx4XS0oizX2Vr5-Qgw4nUCF3zCXo3dOxob88XvjIBJTYRlywWOWKwSqvZm3N8tAk2Ebz3KkTHJQvIBQaxmTwqvBPDHgWNqH5EkDU6aRD2K0c7gNnBzypJzX2m8/s1600/Screen+Shot+2013-03-30+at+1.24.01+PM.png" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><img border="0" height="488" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiDnYILbRmnONNJHr5rApx4XS0oizX2Vr5-Qgw4nUCF3zCXo3dOxob88XvjIBJTYRlywWOWKwSqvZm3N8tAk2Ebz3KkTHJQvIBQaxmTwqvBPDHgWNqH5EkDU6aRD2K0c7gNnBzypJzX2m8/s640/Screen+Shot+2013-03-30+at+1.24.01+PM.png" width="640" /></span></a></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">In this committee, Hirak members have the biggest share. Followed by GPC, then YSP and Islah. </span><br />
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjLKRFIt7zEKm5npcSPpK4ZihnVmyz2hGeVUfcCjO49JJRYtvhfFZ_Klg8CeO0Z0qziDGLU_L_aoEGa9G1VREpWUz-lMf0__h3QWbjNtRrAzD5sa5_NCtnmdeq4itYfs8s8z3BklBxxu5g/s1600/Screen+Shot+2013-03-30+at+1.28.47+PM.png" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><img border="0" height="497" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjLKRFIt7zEKm5npcSPpK4ZihnVmyz2hGeVUfcCjO49JJRYtvhfFZ_Klg8CeO0Z0qziDGLU_L_aoEGa9G1VREpWUz-lMf0__h3QWbjNtRrAzD5sa5_NCtnmdeq4itYfs8s8z3BklBxxu5g/s640/Screen+Shot+2013-03-30+at+1.28.47+PM.png" width="640" /></span></a></div>
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">This category is dominated by GPC, then Hirak then members from the President's list. This category is where child marriages and other women issues will be discussed and it has 36 women and 45 men. </span><br />
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh4NxdcgyIIgxYOGt0seaJZfzYISh-3o6ULvvUxoVkCtJJsHgDoxAYW9wtv_Fkf7Fz4unDI32TZGMQuCEAuzbUTQKDvsPusv2AGAZPlZOlYe83uii_037zxGQtbKJY39yPsE3acaxkwy6U/s1600/Screen+Shot+2013-03-30+at+2.09.30+PM.png" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><img border="0" height="488" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh4NxdcgyIIgxYOGt0seaJZfzYISh-3o6ULvvUxoVkCtJJsHgDoxAYW9wtv_Fkf7Fz4unDI32TZGMQuCEAuzbUTQKDvsPusv2AGAZPlZOlYe83uii_037zxGQtbKJY39yPsE3acaxkwy6U/s640/Screen+Shot+2013-03-30+at+2.09.30+PM.png" width="640" /></span></a></div>
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">This is another group where Hirak, GPC and the members from the President's list have the most representation. </span><br />
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgZHXHxYXP8vcOrDhEb_LlfdtX7mJyiVh2wW4mVMoXPR014nyE96SEL_6G6hJ72-67qBzCi8OqQkYtSawJjoJ4kZE076AOMfeZT_r28YGtPrK24rJhTW9N5p8dtotFJBwIFILpIe4lZubM/s1600/Screen+Shot+2013-03-30+at+2.15.01+PM.png" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><img border="0" height="488" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgZHXHxYXP8vcOrDhEb_LlfdtX7mJyiVh2wW4mVMoXPR014nyE96SEL_6G6hJ72-67qBzCi8OqQkYtSawJjoJ4kZE076AOMfeZT_r28YGtPrK24rJhTW9N5p8dtotFJBwIFILpIe4lZubM/s640/Screen+Shot+2013-03-30+at+2.15.01+PM.png" width="640" /></span></a></div>
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">Civil Society is represented better in this category than most of the other working Committees. </span><br />
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiBzoFbhKUkgJL5lZCxah7PFsqndTzpuDh3EdJ_uXb-yWhmdy4xb6f-3IHShDHcTCJgSK2EKKWSyITH0zZyMoE1_GC0Z7KSYbmRU3Q4EbpioPlXmovlIYZzjkCFjaZlQ6RLLUDaNjqnkmo/s1600/Screen+Shot+2013-03-30+at+2.12.06+PM.png" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><img border="0" height="488" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiBzoFbhKUkgJL5lZCxah7PFsqndTzpuDh3EdJ_uXb-yWhmdy4xb6f-3IHShDHcTCJgSK2EKKWSyITH0zZyMoE1_GC0Z7KSYbmRU3Q4EbpioPlXmovlIYZzjkCFjaZlQ6RLLUDaNjqnkmo/s640/Screen+Shot+2013-03-30+at+2.12.06+PM.png" width="640" /></span></a></div>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEifSTsOoK_6bGL35ng7hz1WaW450eFkzAojqmBzIgo1NccI9Z_5awV2wRxN6JtWRkhLPvInmaCEsQxzlc5k_-qgzeo48CXHQ_C-bI5fw01S8ORomEHGJQLPw8704Qn98FvE7D1B55_fpFM/s1600/Screen+Shot+2013-03-30+at+2.17.45+PM.png" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><img border="0" height="480" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEifSTsOoK_6bGL35ng7hz1WaW450eFkzAojqmBzIgo1NccI9Z_5awV2wRxN6JtWRkhLPvInmaCEsQxzlc5k_-qgzeo48CXHQ_C-bI5fw01S8ORomEHGJQLPw8704Qn98FvE7D1B55_fpFM/s640/Screen+Shot+2013-03-30+at+2.17.45+PM.png" width="640" /></span></a></div>
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">Like the Southern Issue Committee, this group is represented by people who are affected most by it: Ansar Allah (formerly referred to as Al-Houthis). However in comparison, they are less represented since the committee is composed of 48 members (Southern Issue 40) and only 10 are from Ansar Allah. Also, Hirak has equal members to the GPC (6 seats), while Ansar Allah had only 2 seats in the Southern Issues Committee. </span><br />
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgae21KxTOBU6aYO_0ar-30QFeAnUkzoTr4A1FFtdqzHNeNwfoAzmjFnvMai8uMVTNAY5UeC_ORDTQiVB64nps3ZTtR3LSfPIBCLrEGvDz7Ao5yZiVVxXQHjlD0hQm0rh6tUNZIlGFDV20/s1600/Screen+Shot+2013-03-30+at+2.20.23+PM.png" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><img border="0" height="488" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgae21KxTOBU6aYO_0ar-30QFeAnUkzoTr4A1FFtdqzHNeNwfoAzmjFnvMai8uMVTNAY5UeC_ORDTQiVB64nps3ZTtR3LSfPIBCLrEGvDz7Ao5yZiVVxXQHjlD0hQm0rh6tUNZIlGFDV20/s640/Screen+Shot+2013-03-30+at+2.20.23+PM.png" width="640" /></span></a></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">This group will be looking at constitutional reform. Half of the members in this group are from Civil Society, GPC, GPC's Allies, Islah and the President's list. Possibly the least group with Hirak representation. </span><br />
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg9d0SqE9imMJYVXyZ0N9FrMPXAYFatx3qFO9tN1YKTJbFhVFqsoLveaUpEgfT_vxTgshSK-Gw4rbudhgktdIp9YAMOiqsCjJpnXr2wHuyZm0SDnAFulR3epJlozhJX0qQoRTYw_gAz4iQ/s1600/Screen+Shot+2013-03-30+at+2.26.47+PM.png" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><img border="0" height="497" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg9d0SqE9imMJYVXyZ0N9FrMPXAYFatx3qFO9tN1YKTJbFhVFqsoLveaUpEgfT_vxTgshSK-Gw4rbudhgktdIp9YAMOiqsCjJpnXr2wHuyZm0SDnAFulR3epJlozhJX0qQoRTYw_gAz4iQ/s640/Screen+Shot+2013-03-30+at+2.26.47+PM.png" width="640" /></span></a></div>
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">The Army and Security is a surprisingly fair to the South in that Hirak has as many seats as GPC. Unfortunately this balanced is tipped off when GPC gave its allies 5 seats. The real losers in this category are women (4/45)</span><br />
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEguFEDoRE4cX624i4yZmyaasdKV1WHCPfOrdBjCQ0uTTzzMT8Fm5VYHUOFqG1UnfhlPr5B7tskNi_DfwPWvYzbCO-gOrVFxiGzC1VVUqqeQ5tP_PXLOqQamgJ5sSBgsj2dSTbDG2f4MRPc/s1600/Screen+Shot+2013-03-30+at+2.23.39+PM.png" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><img border="0" height="481" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEguFEDoRE4cX624i4yZmyaasdKV1WHCPfOrdBjCQ0uTTzzMT8Fm5VYHUOFqG1UnfhlPr5B7tskNi_DfwPWvYzbCO-gOrVFxiGzC1VVUqqeQ5tP_PXLOqQamgJ5sSBgsj2dSTbDG2f4MRPc/s640/Screen+Shot+2013-03-30+at+2.23.39+PM.png" width="640" /></span></a></div>
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">The main topic in the Good Governance Committee is Civil service reform. It seems to be a fair representation of the members chosen for the dialoge. </span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">Like expected, women are represented fairly in the development, independent/social issues, human rights and freedom, and national reconciliation group. Women are less likely to be present in serious issues like security and military, Southern and Sa'dah Issue. </span><br />
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj5QrFQb-esafZ3YkVkHc8cRMGYkoSHgoREv7L8kzQvlgoq7yiyogBzsZcBOm6uj2i8VA10v3gqeMHcWhFaffll2RLQsxFWYWFC1YmDe5aR_yb2UgfNwc0IPWjYVqBvh4JzLE0ebRT3lds/s1600/Screen+Shot+2013-03-30+at+2.47.02+PM.png" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><img border="0" height="488" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj5QrFQb-esafZ3YkVkHc8cRMGYkoSHgoREv7L8kzQvlgoq7yiyogBzsZcBOm6uj2i8VA10v3gqeMHcWhFaffll2RLQsxFWYWFC1YmDe5aR_yb2UgfNwc0IPWjYVqBvh4JzLE0ebRT3lds/s640/Screen+Shot+2013-03-30+at+2.47.02+PM.png" width="640" /></span></a></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">The final list of members in the Southern Issue is challenged by the Southern Hirak and the final list will be issued tomorrow. All these representations are susceptible to change. </span></div>
Yemeniaty.comhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/05297596596596215960noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2247279833949702327.post-45157901837862526162013-03-26T18:18:00.002-07:002013-03-27T23:23:55.812-07:00US Policy towards Yemen: An interview with Danya Greenfield<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">Today in DC, an event orchestrated by the Atlantic Council and the Project on Middle East Democracy (POMED) took place discussing US foreign policy towards Yemen. During the discussion, the three speakers (Greenfield, Heyedmann and Al-Bukari) talked about the nature of US and Yemeni attitudes towards each other. Although one would assume that these opinions are public knowledge, it felt as if a big secret was finally out. It was amongst the few (if not the first) big Washington DC-event that directly pointed out that some of the US's policies towards Yemen were "counterproductive". The event, which included the President of the Polling Center, Hafez Al Bukari, brought a lot of awareness to Americans. Danya Greenfield and Stephen McInerney (Executive Directer of POMED) collected 31 signatures to advise Obama's administration of reassessing US policy towards Yemen (emphasizing the excessive use of Drones).</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">I met with Danya Greenfield for the first time about two months ago and I was pleased to observe her in her element. For an established woman (she is currently the Deputy Director of the Rafik Hariri Center at the Atlantic Council), she was humble and formed her opinions carefully after doing a lot of research. She did one thing that most people in her position don't: she listened.</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">A month ago, I sat down with Ms. Greenfield and we talked about the relationship between the US and Yemen. Here is what she had to say:</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">You can find the letter to President Obama <a href="http://www.acus.org/news/foreign-policy-experts-call-president-obama-rethink-yemen-policy" target="_blank">here</a>.</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">Although it is common knowledge amongst Yemenis that the use of drones is not well liked, this event reveals (publicly) that there is hope for US foreign policy in Yemen. Events like this should make us aware that not all American programs in Yemen "support the use of drones".</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">The event highlighted how Yemeni and American officials are not having transparent exchanges with each other. Meaning that neither side had an honest discussion about how the average Yemeni is unhappy with the US' counterterrorism policies.</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">My own analysis is that this is frustrating to both sides. It actually creates a problem that is hard to resolve. Yemenis tell Americans what they want to hear so they can be backed up. Americans never know the real truth and support them without doing their own in-depth research. The problem gets worse when the US begins to analyze the results and put the pieces together. They have many choices but will either choose one of the two: to continue pretending that nothing is wrong or to completely stop their support of whomever they are backing up. If the US continues its support, then they look bad, but if they decrease their support, then the Yemenis on the ground will be left in an awkward position.</span><br />
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Yemeniaty.comhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/05297596596596215960noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2247279833949702327.post-8180633902655886452013-03-24T14:38:00.001-07:002013-03-24T14:39:25.621-07:00Secession for South Yemen would Lead to Catastrophe <div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
Article Published in The National, you can read it <a href="http://www.thenational.ae/thenationalconversation/comment/secession-for-south-yemen-would-lead-to-catastrophe#full" target="_blank">here</a>.<br />
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><br />Yemen's "national dialogue" finally began one week ago today, after several deferrals. The agenda is dominated by the "southern issue", the question of southern secession.<br /><br />The Southern Movement, commonly referred to as Hirak, is already expressing its dissatisfaction with the dialogue. Hirak has 85 seats in the dialogue assembly, but several factions within the movement said in a joint statement on March 21 that those 85 representatives do not properly delineate Hirak's demands.<br /><br />Any scenario other than full Hirak participation in the talks will threaten the nation's security and will ultimately cost many Yemenis their lives. The national dialogue will be squandered if Hirak's entire leadership is not on board.<br /><br />Last month alone the government reported four deaths due to clashes between the Hirak and local authorities in the South.<br /><br />On February 23 the president, Abd Rabbuh Mansour Hadi - originally from Dhakeen, a southern village - made his first visit to Aden, to acknowledge Hirak's grievances.<br /><br />After the 1994 civil war, former president Ali Abdullah Saleh consistently overlooked the concerns of the South, as a form of revenge. There was talk of secession even then, and the movement gained momentum from 2007 to 2011, but was never unified enough to pose a real threat to Yemen's unity.<br /><br />But now Hirak's fragmented leadership is a problem for national unity: if the factions cannot speak and act together, the dialogue will dissolve and chaos will follow.<br /><br />Secession would not provide Hirak's divided factions with the independence they seek; rather, it would result in the creation of several weak regional regimes, in constant conflict with each other.<br /><br />Yemen's government should have addressed legitimate southern concerns long ago. Now the issue will not be settled easily or quickly.<br /><br />The present weak agreement among Hirak factions is the product of an interim alliance. The only thing uniting all of them is their common goal of secession, and their common enemy, the central government. Hirak members consider the South to be under occupation.<br /><br />The southern proverb "he removes an onion, and grows garlic" refers to an apparent change that actually yields the same results. Southern power struggles have persisted through deceptive leadership changes, and this pattern is a good indicator of what the future would hold after secession.<br /><br />The South has been divided since the days of the British occupation, which saw power struggles in Hadhramout, Abyan and Lahj. These internal rivalries continued after independence in 1967.<br /><br />Over the next two decades, the South, as its own state, cycled through six presidents. Some transfers were peaceful while others were bloody, but all of them, while disguised as ideological or political, were driven by tribal politics and personal ambition.<br /><br />In June 1969, a peaceful coup led to the removal of military leaders but also changed the regional balance of high-office-holders. And in January 1986, when internal "ideological" divisions occurred within Yemen's Socialist Party (YSP), several regions associated with the losing faction suffered losses; other regions gained influence based on their tribal loyalties.<br /><br />These divisions still exist. Most current Hirak leaders were members of the YSP in the old southern People's Democratic Republic of Yemen. For these men the YSP served as a vehicle to power, and now Hirak does the same thing.<br /><br />Personal conflicts still boil under the surface, damaging Hirak's leadership. No one in Hirak is capable of producing a transitional plan that can win wide support.<br /><br />If secession occurs and the northern government is out of the way, a few southern leaders would opt for the creation of smaller political units, rather than consolidating the South.<br /><br />Individuals such as the southern Islamist leader Tariq Al Fadhli would hope to restore their former reigns. For them, secession would be a golden opportunity.<br /><br />Some within Hirak openly yearn for a return to "the old days", while others are still speaking in vague terms.<br /><br />It is only a matter of time before individuals from powerful families claim authority based on their genealogy, especially if they manage to secede.<br /><br />Beyond the old sultanates, there are some who would prefer a tribal emirate, another form of dynasty. And in the past few years, political Islam has gained momentum. Those who identify the most with their religious ideology are likely to demand the creation of Islamic caliphates or strict implementation of Islamic Shariah.<br /><br />With a central government out of the picture, AQAP and Ansar Al Shariah could grip parts of the South.<br /><br />The southern population is culturally diverse. New villages have sprung up, and older ones have expanded. Distinct identities do not exist anymore. But there are many who want distinct areas to control.<br /><br />Taken together, all this means that after secession the South would have several inefficient micro-states, some of them strongly divided by prejudice and class distinctions.<br /><br />Mr Hadi's government may still convince the remainder of southern Hirak to join the dialogue. Given the flexible nature of the talks, more seats can be assigned to other Hirak factions. But at the same time all elements of Hirak must consider their options and participate in the dialogue if they truly seek genuine "liberation".<br /><br />For the South's sake, Hirak must submit to the dialogue and reach a settlement. The idea that secession will solve the South's problems is nothing but an illusion maintained by a few who seek power for themselves.<br /><br />Secession would bring catastrophe. Participating in the national dialogue guarantees nothing, but it is the best alternative.</span><br />
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Yemeniaty.comhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/05297596596596215960noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2247279833949702327.post-15966717187472513202013-03-21T10:18:00.000-07:002013-03-21T10:18:42.425-07:00Pictures from My Country: Yemen's Currency <div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">During my last trip to Yemen in August 2012, I went with my cousin to a restaurant. I bought juice and told her that it's my treat. I opened my wallet and I took out two 200 Yemeni Rials (currency code YER) to pay. To my surprise my cousin bursted out laughing telling me that I may be the only person in Sana'a who still carries that currency. She may be right. I held on to my money since the last time I was in Yemen in 2009 and things have changed. </span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">In this blog post, I go over the history of Yemen's currency since 1990. </span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">Prior to 1990, the People's Democratic Republic of Yemen (South of Yemen) used the Dinar instead of the Rial. A single Dinar was the equivalent of one British pound which was made up of 20 Shillings. Below is the currency that the South used including an image of the 50 fils coin. </span><br />
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhovgbwAFzFdoUv3QcBpU6tVlvzTvQlETTSa0UMTvEXq3O-6TptFJCnlmBH4c_L-rIneLShyphenhyphenBXa9DITYb3EBk728kZ9gZ_uhl2utaBE9T2iG6zvUqJxgyuX4GiqxGDlWTX6Oipt3uTAHtI/s1600/yemen-democratic-republic-money.JPG" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="400" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhovgbwAFzFdoUv3QcBpU6tVlvzTvQlETTSa0UMTvEXq3O-6TptFJCnlmBH4c_L-rIneLShyphenhyphenBXa9DITYb3EBk728kZ9gZ_uhl2utaBE9T2iG6zvUqJxgyuX4GiqxGDlWTX6Oipt3uTAHtI/s400/yemen-democratic-republic-money.JPG" width="300" /></a></div>
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Image via ATSnotes.com</div>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEid_PzGNTpOh9U-UrbqAg-pTD8mEfR7X8Q6vifWXBCy0R3c7LUa7oGFwucEfseXA-7UXXkLWL-ArWh6XOoYO5P0HQdBmzDBml4P1h2wzLW-AJ41wM4Xf6ql5Ww4mkwUAfp9weesL7fPtBA/s1600/50_PDRY_fils_-_reverse.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEid_PzGNTpOh9U-UrbqAg-pTD8mEfR7X8Q6vifWXBCy0R3c7LUa7oGFwucEfseXA-7UXXkLWL-ArWh6XOoYO5P0HQdBmzDBml4P1h2wzLW-AJ41wM4Xf6ql5Ww4mkwUAfp9weesL7fPtBA/s200/50_PDRY_fils_-_reverse.jpg" /></a></div>
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Coin from Wikimedia.org</div>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg6kEbkVkhdwz8j_kypRC9iONndfhgCZEn-_k1nBFTUJu23l1M8pki4f3TOj0BlKuIQhuwqOg1dPemeHQMw_d1-Oq6nUzGzkVZt8Gb2UYxgKR0ulk_29zdP8yTLkr91oHdds6sJEVaN68I/s1600/50+fils+.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg6kEbkVkhdwz8j_kypRC9iONndfhgCZEn-_k1nBFTUJu23l1M8pki4f3TOj0BlKuIQhuwqOg1dPemeHQMw_d1-Oq6nUzGzkVZt8Gb2UYxgKR0ulk_29zdP8yTLkr91oHdds6sJEVaN68I/s200/50+fils+.jpg" /></a></div>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEguz-eGXQeklOlyxxEifP0PEgaM9kjiq9BLXtyx3MzT5hmyjiU59SRwCbDI7wlPj4fGsHKkWUDjnosjnr5sjJjLtjPzoKlFqv0Q-U6EpOsZGsmKKL8q2kF8fZYClr08HYvkpqIBPLP0BWw/s1600/Adeni+Dinar.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="188" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEguz-eGXQeklOlyxxEifP0PEgaM9kjiq9BLXtyx3MzT5hmyjiU59SRwCbDI7wlPj4fGsHKkWUDjnosjnr5sjJjLtjPzoKlFqv0Q-U6EpOsZGsmKKL8q2kF8fZYClr08HYvkpqIBPLP0BWw/s320/Adeni+Dinar.jpg" width="320" /></a></div>
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Adeni Dinar (wikimedia.org)</div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">Once unification occurred, one Dinar corresponded to 25 Rials. Even after unity, it was possible to see Dinars floating around in Yemen; however, they were officially terminated in June of 1996. Overall, a unified Yemen used the Rial (which is made up of 100 fils). </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">In the North of Yemen, around 1970, the government issued coins for 1, 5, 10, 25 & 50 fils. These coins were terminated by 1990 (especially since their value weakened). </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">Terminations continued well after unity. In 1993, the 1 and 5 rials coins were sacrificed even though they existed in paper form as well. </span></div>
<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEguGKbHtsoEQ464KzozVHbNaFXOjFWhoicpEyFgf6yA6ErMEYwcm9-AMFlhkghYnV1_uicXcYO2IvzW63IMhQMeMN5TTQU57O_XIm50kp1Z6FTZxr9aajn_vLRItIM_lBWQI9TMYLR5Ck4/s1600/1+++5+rials.png" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEguGKbHtsoEQ464KzozVHbNaFXOjFWhoicpEyFgf6yA6ErMEYwcm9-AMFlhkghYnV1_uicXcYO2IvzW63IMhQMeMN5TTQU57O_XIm50kp1Z6FTZxr9aajn_vLRItIM_lBWQI9TMYLR5Ck4/s320/1+++5+rials.png" width="265" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Image from CoinGallery.com</td></tr>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhItqlDpOOeYvb4lC4xuhlprIpI4y7AgVhHFEwGUU69HqViY58IgqcFEDJWvb7KA3DrWJjEOoM15uPYxpyOy5IoM_hpxeVxntStD4hX1mVkt-DtybObNhNFV4T_fDdCBJDqWkbwzbVM_3w/s1600/1rial.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em; text-align: center;"><img border="0" height="400" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhItqlDpOOeYvb4lC4xuhlprIpI4y7AgVhHFEwGUU69HqViY58IgqcFEDJWvb7KA3DrWJjEOoM15uPYxpyOy5IoM_hpxeVxntStD4hX1mVkt-DtybObNhNFV4T_fDdCBJDqWkbwzbVM_3w/s400/1rial.jpg" width="394" /></a> </div>
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<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEizKfsGfxXmB8svavWUR2KXNC7DNrFm2AjSmKuhSUnud4j4O0DnbDoXp2So3cUMh8uzqhQcn8e_twUI2jVPaU-Kxv3Rrolpdbxx0FbvvzGI0Rdsct62PMTcHXaxZnNHqYrE7Lrbv3fvaUE/s1600/Yemen+Rials-5.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="400" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEizKfsGfxXmB8svavWUR2KXNC7DNrFm2AjSmKuhSUnud4j4O0DnbDoXp2So3cUMh8uzqhQcn8e_twUI2jVPaU-Kxv3Rrolpdbxx0FbvvzGI0Rdsct62PMTcHXaxZnNHqYrE7Lrbv3fvaUE/s400/Yemen+Rials-5.jpg" width="400" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="font-size: 12.800000190734863px;">1 and 5 rials notes from <a href="http://jamilacoinsandnotescollection.blogspot.com/" target="_blank">here</a></td></tr>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">Other monetary units existed in both, coins and paper form. For example 10 Rials used to be a coin, however by 1995, the Central Bank decided to produce it as a bill. The 20 Rials suffered the opposite fate, it was typically in paper form till 2004 when it became a coin. </span></div>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhlkCJAriJ-yxZU8l-z7xmkukbngCoSiTB_2pp_zXBOVEBiD4-U_QYtwH8kFx0N38zYjkj2AKWnwPsa9otuee8dMLfhmLa5wcZ0b1lPkYEogHFohRZLx6aaLMvILea-yT_6IfwAYKcTMv8/s1600/10+rial+coin.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhlkCJAriJ-yxZU8l-z7xmkukbngCoSiTB_2pp_zXBOVEBiD4-U_QYtwH8kFx0N38zYjkj2AKWnwPsa9otuee8dMLfhmLa5wcZ0b1lPkYEogHFohRZLx6aaLMvILea-yT_6IfwAYKcTMv8/s320/10+rial+coin.jpg" width="148" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">10 Rial Coin from CoinGallery.com</td></tr>
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<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjQe8Q1TwcEMActYPxs8C-tRXxblWVNRScK-rrN0uNOtB3_kzEXnLUu_R7oV1iJrNcu-wsFKYqh86NtARY5cZ_v2N9IaGsiBmTZZmLtIBOEQTJIGc3scZLFJCULPnI3VvUfOGd8Y2azyO8/s1600/10+paper.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="400" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjQe8Q1TwcEMActYPxs8C-tRXxblWVNRScK-rrN0uNOtB3_kzEXnLUu_R7oV1iJrNcu-wsFKYqh86NtARY5cZ_v2N9IaGsiBmTZZmLtIBOEQTJIGc3scZLFJCULPnI3VvUfOGd8Y2azyO8/s400/10+paper.JPG" width="390" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">10 Rial from <a href="http://www.banknotes.com/YE13.JPG" target="_blank">Bank Notes</a></td></tr>
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgMkig4IbdD05X4oDV8Xn9aKgYyKLuYZg98Bgayx1iV2RFwUcnkSZbwLO3sUAHEg2ulm7umM85hH2Fx_FKjv5gd2bdLvkLyOunAjLVEsTa6Q4NXbcI0F5iFkIZ1JNN5wmvX1kNCg_ihsEg/s1600/20+rial+coin.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgMkig4IbdD05X4oDV8Xn9aKgYyKLuYZg98Bgayx1iV2RFwUcnkSZbwLO3sUAHEg2ulm7umM85hH2Fx_FKjv5gd2bdLvkLyOunAjLVEsTa6Q4NXbcI0F5iFkIZ1JNN5wmvX1kNCg_ihsEg/s320/20+rial+coin.jpg" width="160" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">20 Rial from Coingallery.com</td></tr>
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<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg_1r-g2sxqIZmvi3nEkrNEQTl1ZpxsYKV-8oQFTy7bUn4OT987fQRGB4r5SrFIrcXD7ltj-SjvnMZm_SnLwfcjw-Mz0bhQMyISX12aFXTs9KDh0RNYAvCFdZf040tDsmS2d9BIdZ-Iv8k/s1600/20+rials.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="400" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg_1r-g2sxqIZmvi3nEkrNEQTl1ZpxsYKV-8oQFTy7bUn4OT987fQRGB4r5SrFIrcXD7ltj-SjvnMZm_SnLwfcjw-Mz0bhQMyISX12aFXTs9KDh0RNYAvCFdZf040tDsmS2d9BIdZ-Iv8k/s400/20+rials.jpg" width="400" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">20 rials <a href="http://en.18dao.net/images/8/86/P-26b_Yemen_Arab_Republic_1990_Twenty_Rials.jpg" target="_blank">from Here</a></td></tr>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">Besides coins, there are different bills for the 50 and 100 Rials ever since inauguration of Yemen's unity. In 1996, the Central bank released the 200 YER bill, then in 1997 the 500 YER bill. Following that, in 1998, the 1000 YER bill made its debut. Finally, in 2009, a 250 YER bill came out which made the 200 YER bill impossible to find. Since I wasn't living in Yemen, it was easy to spot me as a visitor since I was using the 200 YER bill instead of the 250. </span></div>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi94NQGUwDcNLUiqcA6KVPBWlmUzdkJdL4j0ApQLCC7JydvIkq9kZcXW9jCLYkTi7Q2gRpkaH2D_oUjsAspdAG-6QCLPyUka9so4a20vTKAxnG-WinjtW5X9G6VokEbibxqUVl1vGZtuNc/s1600/50+rials.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="400" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi94NQGUwDcNLUiqcA6KVPBWlmUzdkJdL4j0ApQLCC7JydvIkq9kZcXW9jCLYkTi7Q2gRpkaH2D_oUjsAspdAG-6QCLPyUka9so4a20vTKAxnG-WinjtW5X9G6VokEbibxqUVl1vGZtuNc/s400/50+rials.jpg" width="398" /></a></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">Well, there goes the 101 on Yemeni Currency. If you like this topic there is a book called "Currency of Yemen through the Ages: 2008 A.D - 1424 A.H" produced by Yemen's Central Bank. It has the biggest collections of Yemen's currency and represents the first effort by Yemen's government of sorting and cataloging its currency. Every once in a while, it is available on Amazon. </span></div>
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Yemeniaty.comhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/05297596596596215960noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2247279833949702327.post-55670279227935131662013-03-07T21:13:00.000-08:002013-03-07T21:14:53.897-08:00Pictures from My Country: Women's Day Edition<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">Today, in honor of women's day, I share photographs of Yemeni women. Also, I want to point out that a women's march is taking place in Sana'a in support of peace. Sarah Jamal (who organized the march) writes: </span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large;">We are the civil peace makers and we the ones who protected it throughout Yemen's history .. Yemen only flourished during our reign and only knew of resolutions to tribal conflicts through us... On Women's International Day, in Yemen we [the women] lead the demand to civil peace without sectarian or regional conflicts... Let Yemen's women lead its peace...</span></blockquote>
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">Today, rather than looking at women as the inferior sex, we celebrate Yemeni women as queens. </span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">Photography by <a href="http://www.ajaber.com/?q=photography&type=All" target="_blank">Abdulrahman Jaber </a></span><br />
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Yemeniaty.comhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/05297596596596215960noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2247279833949702327.post-80030531432619024002013-03-07T08:03:00.000-08:002013-03-07T08:03:43.927-08:00Is Dialogue Yemen’s Last Resort?<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<span style="background-color: #fefefe; line-height: 20px;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">Originally published on <a href="http://fikraforum.org/?p=3101" target="_blank">Fikra Forum</a> </span></span><br />
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><span style="background-color: #fefefe; line-height: 20px;"><br /></span></span>
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><span style="background-color: #fefefe; line-height: 20px;">After numerous setbacks, the Yemeni National Dialogue is finally set to commence on Monday, March 18, though there are many obstacles that remain unsettled. The final list of dialogue participants has not yet been finalized, with several parties disputing their own member selections. More importantly, leaders of the Southern Hirak (a term encompassing the </span><a href="http://www.yemeniaty.com/2013/02/the-southern-hirak-2007-2013.html" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgb(252, 215, 0); background-color: #fefefe; border: 0px; color: #0072bc; line-height: 20px; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;">many groups</a><span style="background-color: #fefefe; line-height: 20px;"> that comprise the Southern separatist movement) still refuse to participate even though the dialogue’s technical committee dedicated a reasonable number of seats for them. Amid declarations, statements, and political maneuvering from all sides, the chances of having an authentic deliberation seem far-fetched.</span><br style="background-color: #fefefe; line-height: 20px;" /><br style="background-color: #fefefe; line-height: 20px;" /><span style="background-color: #fefefe; line-height: 20px;">Regardless of the troubled reality on the ground, the international community continues to press onward, despite the evident flaws in the selection process of youth, independents, women, and civil society, particularly from the South. Since 2009, the Yemeni government has failed to address the frustrations of the Southern Hirak movement, negligence that has continued after Yemen’s 2011 revolution when President Abdo Rabbo Mansour Hadi’s took office. In fact, political tensions have worsened after violence erupted on February 21 in Aden between Southern Hirak members and government authorities.</span><br style="background-color: #fefefe; line-height: 20px;" /><br style="background-color: #fefefe; line-height: 20px;" /><span style="background-color: #fefefe; line-height: 20px;">President Hadi’s first meeting with the movement’s leaders came on February 23, 2013, more than a year after he assumed the presidency and only after the death of four Southern protestors. To make matters worse, the technical committee, tasked with establishing the selection process for national dialogue participants, failed to successfully communicate the process and stipulations with the Hirak’s leaders, resulting in distrust in the credibility of negotiations.</span><br style="background-color: #fefefe; line-height: 20px;" /><br style="background-color: #fefefe; line-height: 20px;" /><span style="background-color: #fefefe; line-height: 20px;">Moreover, when the United Nation Security Council (UNSC) visited Yemen on January 27, massive demonstrations swept the Southern city of Aden, only to be disregarded. Following this visit, the UNSC issued a warning on February 16 to those accused of obstructing Yemen’s National Dialogue process, specifically naming former president Ali Saleh and former vice president Ali al-Beidh (1990-1994) without raising concerns about the dialogue’s political process or the Southern movement. In turn, the Supreme Council of Southern Hirak issued a statement calling the UNSC’s announcement “disappointing” for the Southern people, who expected the international body to acknowledge the Southern cause and to support their right to self-determination. Such negligence exacerbated ongoing tensions between the Yemeni government and the Hirak, further complicating negotiations between them.</span><br style="background-color: #fefefe; line-height: 20px;" /><br style="background-color: #fefefe; line-height: 20px;" /><span style="background-color: #fefefe; line-height: 20px;">The policy of turning a blind eye to Southern grievances has proved ineffective and detrimental, yet many within Hadi’s government continue to do so. For example, on March 3, Yemen’s minister of defense, Mohammed Nasser Ahmed, stated that Yemen’s unity is “firmly entrenched.” Such statements are counterproductive and unhelpful, and result in a hardening of positions on both sides of the dialogue. For instance, over the past week, several prominent Southern leaders issued statements declaring that Southerners who participate in the National Dialogue are betraying the Southern cause. They even warned that it is a continuation of the “Northern conspiracy” against the South.</span><br style="background-color: #fefefe; line-height: 20px;" /><br style="background-color: #fefefe; line-height: 20px;" /><span style="background-color: #fefefe; line-height: 20px;">Although divisions in Yemen are serious and troubling, the dialogue is nonetheless moving forward and success remains a possibility. The six members of the technical committee who suspended their membership in response to the violence in Aden on February 21are returning to the process. Among these members is Yassin Saeed Noman, the general secretary of Yemen’s Socialist Party, who announced on March 3 that the dialogue must continue even if “part of the southern movement participates, in order to prevent the halt of the political process.” The rest of the party’s members are likely to follow suit.</span><br style="background-color: #fefefe; line-height: 20px;" /><br style="background-color: #fefefe; line-height: 20px;" /><span style="background-color: #fefefe; line-height: 20px;">Yet, troubling signs remain. On March 1, the Youth’s Preparatory Committee for the National Conference announced its disbandment, signaling their disillusionment with the process. Further complicating matters, the vast majority of key players are entering the negotiations with a predetermined set of objectives, making it harder to reach a middle ground. For example, while President Hadi was in Aden, he announced that he expects Yemen to have five regions (in addition to the Port of Aden), despite the fact that a main purpose of the dialogue is to determine the structure of the Yemeni government. As the mediator of the dialogue, this position is extremely problematic, and more importantly, according to an unofficial source, it signals his adoption of the prominent Islah Party’s vision.</span><br style="background-color: #fefefe; line-height: 20px;" /><br style="background-color: #fefefe; line-height: 20px;" /><span style="background-color: #fefefe; line-height: 20px;">Preparations for the dialogue have centered on politics, dominating planning discussions and shaping its selection process. These discussions ignored crucial topics like the economy, the role of tribes, educational reform, and the effects of climate change. So far, international actors in the dialogue process have proved to be equally as important, if not more important, than the national actors. While the international community’s “democracy agenda” is an admirable goal, if expedited and not undertaken on the national level by the Yemeni people, it will prove detrimental. In an environment where people are unwilling to even enter into dialogue, it will undoubtedly take years for the principles of democracy to take hold.</span><br style="background-color: #fefefe; line-height: 20px;" /><br style="background-color: #fefefe; line-height: 20px;" /><span style="background-color: #fefefe; line-height: 20px;">Yemen has never had a dialogue that has encompassed this many factions, and it would be unwise to assume that inclusiveness guarantees success. Dialogues have been part of Yemen’s political history for years, with questionable results. In the North, the Harath Agreement between the monarchists and the republicans ended with war. In the South, negotiations among members of Yemen’s Socialist Party were signed in October 1985, only to see violence erupt in January 1986. At the unification of Yemen in 1990, the country signed Al-’Ahd Treaty between Ali al-Beidh and Ali Saleh, only to function as a backdrop for the 1994 Civil War.</span><br style="background-color: #fefefe; line-height: 20px;" /><br style="background-color: #fefefe; line-height: 20px;" /><span style="background-color: #fefefe; line-height: 20px;">If Yemen’s history has taught us anything, it is that dialogues are a last resort; they function primarily on a symbolic level. In fact, dialogues have almost been precursors for disasters to come, especially if the product of the dialogue upsets a faction of the participants. The dialogue will essentially continue for lack of a better plan. In pushing for dialogue, Yemen and its international allies did not anticipate alternative scenarios in the case of the dialogue’s potential failure.</span><br style="background-color: #fefefe; line-height: 20px;" /><br style="background-color: #fefefe; line-height: 20px;" /><span style="background-color: #fefefe; line-height: 20px;">This Yemeni experience does not mean that the current dialogue is doomed; it means that a lot more effort is required and powerful players must be willing to make painful concessions. Rather than gratifying the international community on a superficial level, real democratic foundations must take root among the national actors for the sake of the Yemeni people. Those who are invested in peace understand that Yemen has no choice but to move forward for the success of the dialogue. With the dialogue starting on March 18, time is limited. President Hadi and his government must do more to ease tensions with the Southern Hirak and the youth in order to enable the best possible environment for negotiations to occur. As dialogue participants come to the table, they must be aware of what is at stake: should the dialogue fail, Yemen will have no way out.</span></span></div>
Yemeniaty.comhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/05297596596596215960noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2247279833949702327.post-49598097251910456232013-02-26T14:13:00.001-08:002013-02-26T16:29:05.316-08:00The Southern Hirak (2007-2013)<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">Part 2</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">By 2013, the Southern Hirak became a movement that no one can ignore, even though the government was trying to do just that. Lives were lost before President Hadi went to visit the South (where he is originally from); his first visit since assuming the presidency. As of February 26, 2013, the majority of Hirak leaders are refusing to participate in the national dialogue which is only a few weeks away.</span><br />
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhJUDQ8JJ29dkacnKE-LOep_ANs_QVeCeNFcpe__dhMXc75ygM36ypVylCklGH1pplcqkLYIG8cnO0SfDr3JrMzPOhLEwLyoe0W69yPkkuZUoArcvleRmBSPdkhgEk_Jvj589akKosvwK4/s1600/%D8%AD%D8%B1%D8%A7%D9%83+%D9%A2.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="220" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhJUDQ8JJ29dkacnKE-LOep_ANs_QVeCeNFcpe__dhMXc75ygM36ypVylCklGH1pplcqkLYIG8cnO0SfDr3JrMzPOhLEwLyoe0W69yPkkuZUoArcvleRmBSPdkhgEk_Jvj589akKosvwK4/s320/%D8%AD%D8%B1%D8%A7%D9%83+%D9%A2.jpg" width="320" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Image via <a href="http://www.honahadhramout.com/wp-content/upl/2013/01/%D8%AD%D8%B1%D8%A7%D9%832.jpg" target="_blank">Hona Hadhramout</a></td></tr>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">The expanding movement in the South first used the title, <i>Al Hirak Al Janoubi Al Silmi </i>(Peaceful Southern Movement), in 2007. Then it was a simple movement with a distinct leadership. Presently, the Southern Hirak has too many leaders to keep track of; however, two main figures stand out; Ali Al-Beidh and Hassan Ba'oum. Ali Salim Al-Beidh is </span><span style="font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', serif; font-size: large;">the main leader of Hirak residing outside of Yemen, and Hassan Ba'oum, Mohammed Ali Ahmed, and Nasser Al-Noubah are the main figures inside of Yemen. The problem is that these leaders do not see eye to eye. They all consider themselves the founders of the movement but the truth is some were there before others. </span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">Also, the leaders inside of Yemen seem a lot more legitimate since the majority of the Hirak leaders outside of Yemen were highly influential in the PDRY and in ROY (Republic of Yemen) until the Civil War of 1994. As though their interest in Hirak is aimed at restoring their glory. </span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">Much like the Yemeni Revolution of 2011, the Southern Hirak movement is mobilizing the youth. Ironically, none of the principal leaders are actually from that age group. </span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">In line with the obvious Southern discord, Southern Hirak is not the only group claiming to defend the "Southern Cause". Over the past few years, many new factions were created or evolved from previous movements. </span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">The problem is that many people can use the term Southern Hirak. While some maintain their peaceful standpoint, there are many radicals who are waiting for the right time to start an armed conflict. </span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">To understand the diversity of Hirak, one must understand that its members adhere to a wide range convections. At one end are the radicals (which includes the militants) and the other end are the moderates. The radicals are exclusivists; meaning that they reject any person with a Northern last name even if they lived in the South for decades, fought alongside the Southerners or called the South their home. As a matter of fact, some of the Northerners in the South are thought to have been spies and part of Sana'a's regime in the South. They would not accept to engage in dialogue at any cost because secession is the only viable option. In this category, the individuals are dogmatists who view the South under the full occupation of an authoritarian Northern rule. They would like to call the South of Yemen <i>Al Janoub Al-'Arabi </i>(The Arabian South), completely rejecting a Yemeni identity.</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">Within this radical branch of Hirak are several operating militias (it is also worth noting that the South is witnessing an increase in militias not affiliated with Hirak or the Southern Movement). Keeping in mind that the more radical the group, the bigger the conspiracy theory and the greater the need for armed resistance. </span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">At the other end of this spectrum are the moderates, who are willing to engage in dialogue. Many of them realized that the South witnessed a dramatic transformation since unity was established. Their </span><span style="font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', serif; font-size: large;">life-styles changed, literally, over-night and </span><span style="font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', serif; font-size: large;">only got worse after 1994. With Saleh gone, these moderates understand that some Northerners are living in the same appalling conditions as the Southerners, but they fear that South will continue to be ignored. </span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">The majority of the Southerners identify somewhere b</span><span style="font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', serif; font-size: large;">etween these two divergent views</span><span style="font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', serif; font-size: large;">. The Southern Hirak is becoming their cause and the more the world dismisses their grievances and the Yemeni government delays reconciliation, the worse it becomes. </span></div>
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