A Conversation with Marjorie Ransom

Many Yemenis feel that their country has been reduced to terrorism. However, many of those who have visited Yemen know that the country has a lot more to offer. At the tip of the Arabian Peninsula, Yemen is one of the few countries that had a culture prior to Islam. Although it is not as prevalent as it used to be, one of the traditions that have survived is the production of unique silver jewelry.

Today's guest, Ms. Marjorie Ransom, lived the life of a diplomat, traveling for years throughout the Middle East; settling twice in Yemen. Ms. Ransom and her late husband began collecting Yemeni Jewelry and in turn started displaying some pieces in American Museums, like the Bead Museum (DC), Jefferson County Historical Society (NY), Gibson Gallery of the State University (NY), and the Arab American National Museum (MI) (to view the latest exhibit, click here). Jewelry is not just a product of a decorative tradition but it is a historic art that captures the essence of Yemen.

In 2003, Ms. Marjorie Ransom decided to apply for a grant travel throughout Yemen to document this tradition. In October of 2013, the first comprehensive book on Yemen's tradition of silver-smithing will be available through the American University of Cairo Press. This effort is the first of its kind. 

In this interview, Ms. Ransom identifies some types and symbols of Yemeni jewelry. Ms. Ransom also brought several silver-smiths to the US whenever she hosted a Jewelry exhibit. She understands that this trade is becoming less common in Yemen and is one of the few people supporting its revival. 

Obstacles in the Path of Female Education

Child Marriages

Image via Glamour Magazine

Child marriages remains one of the biggest impediments to female education. Ironically, it is a cause and symptom of this problem. In the West, the story of Nujood Ali, who was married at the age of nine to a man in his thirties and became known as the youngest divorcee in Yemen became famous, she even has a bestselling book, I am Nujood, Age 10 and Divorced. Once married, it is hard for young women to get a divorce; first, talaq unilaterally belongs to men, and second, if a girl attempts to get khul’a or no fault divorce, then she must return her pride price and forgo financial support (Khalife 9). This complicates matters because young women do not have their own money or come from really poor families who are desperately in need of it. While this rarely happens in the West, in Yemen, there are numerous comparable stories. The UNICEF revealed that in 2006, 14% of all females in Yemen were married before the age 15, while 52% (more than half) were married before the age of 18 (Khalife 1). Most children finish their high school education by the age of 18 but Yemeni girls are inclined to leave schools to fulfill household responsibilities. 

Health 

Image via PathFinder International

Young brides also means young mothers. The lack of education leaves many of these mothers with no options as “they have little chance of controlling how many children they have, or when they have them” (Khalife 2). Only 9.3% of all women ages 15 to 49 use a modern form of contraceptive, so it is not surprising that 45.1% of all women aged 20 to 24 gave birth before the age of 20. Moreover, these young mothers endanger their own lives as the number of women who die as a result of pregnancy or childbirth (also known as the Mother Mortality Ratio) is 430 per 100,000. This number is high but it appears low in comparison to the 21.6% of women who have a delivery with the assistance of a health care professional (doctor, nurse or midwife). If the mothers are not risking their own lives, then they are risking the lives of their children, the estimated number of infant deaths under 12 months (infant mortality rate) in 2009 was 58.4 per 1,000 (USAID).

Furthermore, uneducated mothers use Khat or Catha Edulis (family of Celastraceoe), which is a psychotropic plant commonly found in Yemen, Kenya, Somalia and Ethiopia. In the South, in 1978, the NLF was successful in preventing its use, except for weekends (Ghanem 8). However, during unification, Khat became accessible and its production remains unregulated. According to the World Health Organization (WHO) one of the consequences of khat is that it is psychologically addictive. Other studies revealed that it contains several chemical elements that function as a stimulant; causing Khat chewers to experience anxiety, insomnia, depression, moodiness, and hypertension. Moreover, the chemicals sprayed on the plants and pesticides are known to cause heartburn, constipation, anorexia, nasal problems and other digestive illnesses. Sadly, many of the illiterate mothers who chew Khat, are unaware of its dangers and think of it as a cultural tradition. Research proves that mothers who use Khat to have infants with lower birth weights and 40.7% of women in a recent study confessed to chewing during pregnancy (Saad 309). Indeed, the lack of education affects the entire society as 46.1% if all children are born underweight (USAID).

Female Workers

Image via Olga Engelhardt

Without formal education, many of these women are not equipped to work or generate their own income. Unemployment is high in Yemen, but it is even higher for women, 39% compared to that of men at 16% according to 2005 figures. Yemeni working women make up hardly 20% of all workers, and unless these numbers increase, women will continue to struggle for egalitarianism. Of those women who work, the constitute a minority in the fields that they work in, where 15.5% of education workers are females, and 35.6% percent of women work in the agricultural sector (Khalife 10). These numbers may not entirely disclose the reality of women working in agriculture. Many women work in farms that belong to men in their families and in such jobs, it is considered a duty so they do not get payment in exchange. Hakmah Ali, a 40-year-old woman reveals that all her life she has been working in her family’s farm, she explains:

My program starts early in the morning. I get up at 5 o’clock in the morning. I feed my two cows and ox. We have also 30 heads of sheep and goats. After that, I wake my children up, give them breakfast and ask them to take the cattle to the nearby areas to herd, said ‘Ali. After I finish my work at home, I go to the farm to help my husband or to bring something for the cattle to eat. (Al-Omari)

The shortage in educated females restricts women from choosing the professions they desire. Even when they desire a job, it is not that easy because 44% of women report that their husbands decide whether they work or not (Khalife 11). 

Cultural Tradition

Image via Asia News

“Do not put the gas next to the match”
“A dog won’t come unless its called”
“Women are deficient in intellect and religion as well as inheritance”
“If you follow a woman’s wishes you become one” (Boxberger, 119-120).

These are only some of the proverbs about women in Yemen. The first two reveal a lot about the social position of women. Yemeni society is very conservative and women chastity is expected and protected. In the first saying, women are compared to “the gas” and men to “the match”, the proverb warns of the “explosion” that inappropriate gender mixing can lead to. Many families are scared of sending their daughters to co-educational schools and rural families fear for their daughters and prevent them from going to school because they are too far. The next saying reveals that if anything happens, including sexual assault on a woman, then she is responsible for bringing it unto herself. Following that is a common saying that is based on the female Islamic inheritance (lil rajol haq al-inthayan - for men double the women); the culture deducted that it is so because women are “deficient”. Finally, the last saying is self-explanatory but is really problematic because it reveals an attitude that would challenge women once their education and employment increases. 

If a female is in a place of leadership, then she would have trouble gaining respect and mustering the support of her male colleagues. Experts like Linda Boxberger, view cultural traditions as the biggest obstacle in the path of Yemeni women in general (130). Many other families are just convinced that women are destined to be in marriages, so when coupled with economic hardships, they choose to send their sons over their daughters (see chart 6).

Chart 6: Proportion of Boys and Girls enrolled in Primary School by Country
Source: Baerlocher, Mark O. "Differences in the Proportion of Boys and Girls Enrolled in Primary School." Canadian Medical Association Journal 177.7 (2007): 712. Print.
Poverty

Image via Yemen Fox

The average size of a Yemeni family is seven (USAID) and more than half of Yemen’s population lives below the poverty line, while 16% of the population lives with less than $1 a day (‘Alim 6). If a family has many daughters then the parents chose to withdraw their daughters from school and marry them to a wealthier man in order to guarantee their survival. Poverty is only going to increase because the economy growth is decreasing (13% inflation) while the population growth is rapidly increasing (3.02% per year). Al-Mekhlafey predicts that poverty alters the priorities of families, making female education at the bottom of the list (274).

Tomorrow: Reflections and Recommendations (Female Education Yemen)

Child Marriages in Yemen as of 2012

Background:

All over the world, the Yemeni female experience is affiliated with the retrogressive practice of child marriages. The international community is bewildered by stories like I am Nujood, age 10 and divorced by Nujood Ali, The Tears of Sheba by Khadija Al-Salami, and Sold by Zana muhsen that tell heart-breaking details of a lost childhood. The World Press Photo award given to Stephanie Sinclair was for a photo of two child brides alongside their husbands in Hajjah (pictured above). Since the start of 2012, according to Dr. Abdurrahman Suwaileh, three young girls in the governorate of Ammran committed suicide to escape their marriages while in another governorate a 13-year-old bride bled to death after her husband had relations with her. Ironically, even Yemen’s most notorious female killer, Aminah Al-Tuhaif, was a child who murdered her husband at the age of 11. Yemeni women of different economic and social backgrounds suffer at the hands of this customary practice. If unwarranted death or emotional turmoil of females is not a deterrent, then it is necessary to distinguish this practice as an obstacle in the path of the educational, medical and judicial advancement of the entire nation.

Child marriages is not just a cultural practice that is discriminatory against women, it is also a contributing factor to Yemen’s high population. According to the UN, 75% of Yemen’s population is under the age of 30 making it the 2nd youngest population in the world. Only 9.3% of all women ages 15 to 49 use a modern form of contraceptive, so it is not surprising that 45.1% of all women aged 20 to 24 gave birth before the age of 20. Moreover, the average Yemeni mother has about 5.5 children. The Mother Mortality Ratio is 430 per 100,000. If the mothers are not risking their own lives, then they are risking the lives of their children, as the estimated number of infant deaths under 12 months (infant mortality rate) in 2009 was 58.4 per 1,000 (USAID). Furthermore, almost 1 million children under the age of five are acutely malnourished and by 2030 the population would be 50 million. Today, with increased conflict and a fragile economy, more than ⅕ of the population is living in conditions of severe food poverty (World Food Programme).

The UNICEF revealed that in 2006, 14% of all females in Yemen were married before the age 15, while 52% were married before the age of 18 (Human Rights Watch). Child marriages remain one of the biggest impediments to female education. Ironically, it is a cause and symptom of this problem. Women’s literacy is 28.5%, compared to 69.5% for males. The Gender Inequality Index ranks Yemen as country number 138 out of 138 with the highest illiteracy rates among females. Only 5% of women who finish high school become income earners. These statistics are astounding if viewed from western eyes, however, for Yemeni women it is nothing more than a deteriorating reality as more than 16% of the population lives with less than $1 a day.

Many NGOs and Yemeni female activists are aware of the challenges standing in the path of Yemeni women. Shortly after receiving the Nobel Peace Prize, journalist Tawakkol Karman rallied on the streets of Yemen on December 10th demanding that this cultural practice be changed and that a minimum marriage age be set. Hooria Mashoor, Minister of Human Rights in the current Interim Government, has been a lifelong activist against child marriages and has worked previously with the Women’s National Committee (WNC) to draft a law that set the marriage age to 17. Jamela Saleh Al-Raiby, Deputy Minister of Public Health and Population, shared with numerous agencies her concerns and opposition to the practice. Oxfam, USAID, WNC, Yemen Women Union (YWU), UNICEF, Equality Now and WRA-Yemen (9 governmental institutions, seven NGOs and five Elected Individuals) failed in changing the reality of young (and poor) Yemeni girls. It is important that this transitional period provide transparent laws that clearly dictate the rights of women.

Child Marriages and Law:

Prior to the Unification of 1990, the conditions of women was dichotomous due to their political realities. In the Marxist South, the PDRY considered women workers with equal rights as men, as they abolished polygamy (except in cases where the wife was sterile), and prohibited talaq (man initiated Islamic divorce) which became strictly a court matter. On the other hand, in the North, the marriage age, for males and females, was legally set at 15 years old; however, it was not enforced. At times, when a family matter did not seem to be explained in the law, the adjudication was in the hands of the qadis or judges. Overall, in both parts of the country, the laws were hard to enforce over the entire territory as both governments never had full control.

After 1990, the laws that of the northern part of the country started to dominate and the age of marriage was set at 15. After the 1994 civil war, the Islah party gained many seats in the parliament and many of their members became influential in the government. In the following period, the constitution changed Shari’a from al-masdar al-ra’isi (the main source of legislation) to al-masdar al-waheed (the only source of legislation). Most importantly the marriage age limit was abolished on the basis that it was “un-Islamic” (other Islamic countries, like Kuwait and Bahrain set the marriage age to 16 while the UAE decided on 18).

In 2009, a movement against Child marriages gained influence and a bill was drafted to set the marriage age at 17-years-old. According to the Yemeni constitution, this process works as so; a draft has to be made then only the government must hand it to the Legal Committee of the House of Representatives. After consultation, the committee has two options, either to discuss the bill directly in the hall amongst all 301 members or to form a smaller committee from the parliament according to their blocs. In this case, the Legal Committee chose to do the latter; however, the smaller committee could not agree on a solution. Therefore, the bill was passed on to an additional committee that was to discuss the draft according to the Shari’a. If the bill was passed then the approval of the president would be necessary before the law is amended, but in this case, the Shari’a Committee shut it down in 2010 after handing in a 15-page report arguing against the creation of such law. Now in 2012, female activists are trying to change this law again.

Recommendations:

The situation in Yemen remains highly unstable; political and economic problems take center stage. It is up to female activists and policy makers to push for changes. A new constitution will be drafted, and it is essential that this new constitution clearly sets a marriage age (recommended at 16) while outlining punishments for violators. Furthermore, the new government has to earn credibility otherwise the law will not be adhered to. These laws would be fruitless if women are not included in the process of lawmaking. As of now, only one women (and one political party), Awras Naji (GPC), is a member of the parliament. The process of changing the marriage age is a heavy burden on one women. The interim government is already on a promising path as it appointed three female ministers. Along with these positive moves, Yemeni women need to learn about their rights to vote and their capacity to change their own futures.

While we wait for these changes to take place, women can defend themselves within the Shari’a framework. In Islam, Nikkah (marriage contract) is an agreement between two parties with mutual rights and obligations. A wedding requires ijab (man asking for marriage), qubul (agreement from the female), two male witnesses and a ma’dun. The parents of a young bride are accountable for what happens to their daughter; however, some loose restrictions can be placed on who can be a witness. For example, a requirement would be that the two witnesses need to be ethical individuals who are not paid for their presence. Furthermore, it is the duty of the Mad’un to make sure that the girl is fully aware of her responsibility as a wife and how her life will change and must seek clear indication of her acceptance. The state can restrict the prevalence of child marriages of requiring a civil registration at least a month before a marriage - this can require the signature of both parties. Finally, within the female islamic prerogative, a girl can ask for the creation of a marriage contract which can protect their current and future interest. Both, the Shafi’i and Zaydi schools allow the creation of conditions within a marriage as long as they don’t alter its main purpose. This means a girl can require that she finishes her education, work, gain proper medical care and even discusses custody of children after a divorce.

The reality is that Yemen’s conservative traditions are not legislated, however, laws and cultural practices sanction sexual discrimination. Historically, Yemen is a tribal society where kinship is indispensible. If we are to follow Lévi-Strauss' theory on kinship, then marriage in tribal societies is an exchange of women between men to build societal ties. It is another way to extend our influence and show our association. The role of society in preventing child marriage is undervalued because collective pressure is vital in changing traditions. The lack of public acceptability can act as a deterrent. This can start with affluent and influential families and the rest may follow. Yemenis need to know that democracy or even stable peace is unattainable without ensuring the wellbeing of half of their population; women’s rights is a primary building block towards moving forward.