Threatened Unity: Understanding the Tihaman Hirak

Tihama is a coastal region extending from Hijaz to Hodaidah*. Part of Tihama now belongs to Saudi Arabia (since the Taif Treaty), when Talking about the Yemeni Tihaman Hirak, we are talking about the regions that belong to Tihama within the Yemen Border.

Background:

Prior to 1941, the region of Tihama was occupied by the Ottomans (twice), their ports were completely destroyed by the Italians during the Italian-Ottoman War and then controlled by the British.  Parts of Tihama were ruled by  the Idrissi Emirate, and then the Zaydi Imamate (under Imam Yehaya). The Tihamans track their first revolution to 1918 (against the corrupt Ottoman rule). Their most famous tribal confederation is the Zaraniq - from Bait Al Faqih - who fought against the Zaydi Imamate. Tihama has several other tribes (like Al-Monasirah, Al-Ma'azibah, Al-Wa'eriyah, Al-Mazahirah, Al-Masa'eed, and Al-'Aqiriah to name a few), but they are all weak today. 

Tihama has the majority of Yemen's valleys - including Wadi Moor which is the biggest in Yemen - and fisheries, as well as several farmlands. Between the area of Bora' and Al Sokhnah is a forest (3-5km long) protected by UNESCO. Also, the region of Tihama is wealthy in historical artifacts, many of which are traced back to the Himyarite Kingdom. 

Their Grievances:

The tribes of Tihama weakened significantly since 1920. Many of the people in Tihama practiced trade and embraced civilian life long ago. Unlike other parts of Northern Yemen, the people there are rarely armed. Many of the Tihaman lands do not belong to them. Security forces are absent from the area - they are present in the mountains but not on the coast -  and poverty levels continue to soar.  

Due to Tihama's location near the Red Sea, the region is rarely at peace. For instance, there are many passing refugees from Somalia and Ethiopia. Moreover, Tihaman fishermen are constantly targeted by pirates who steal their boats and imprison their workers. The area is also used for all kinds of smuggling (weapons, drugs, human trafficking, child trafficking, diesel & petrol, and illegal pesticides).

Logo of the Peaceful Tihaman Hirak 

Since the early 1970s, the standards of living have not improved and the centralized government oppressed the people. Historically, Tihama had fertile farmlands, fisheries and valleys, yet they remain poverty-stricken. Some of the lands have parched due to the lack of management/maintenance. Other Fertile farmlands are managed and owned by powerful individuals outside of Tihama. Fisheries are monopolized by people in the former government and some who are still in the current government. 

Flag of the Tihama Region

When it comes to governance, the area has been mostly managed by the General's People Congress (GPC) from 1982-2011. Many of the politicians and traders in Tihama are publicly allied with GPC; however, some have financial ties to Islah. Tihamans have been completely absent from the political arena. President Hadi visited the area about three months ago (after his trip to Moscow). The locals complained about the absence of a local economy. As a result of this visit, a deal between the government and the wealthy traders (allied with international corporations) was nullified. To date, nothing on the ground was implemented. 

The Movement/Hirak: 

In February 2011 (Yemeni Revolution), the people of Tihama finally had the courage to speak up about their oppression. The Tihaman Hirak is a massive movement that is not limited to a specific group and is open to all its directorates (see map below). They have thousands of members. A few individuals belonging to this movement call for armed resistance. 

The Tihaman Hirak has influential members from different political parties and some independents. The independents in the Tihaman Hirak lack a unified ideology or leadership; however, they put the interests of Tihama first. From this group, there is Mr. Mohammed Mo'men and Mr. Muhammed Al Dohni (who runs a cultural forum). Other members are from the Islah party, like Mr. Ismael Abdul Bari. From the GPC there is Qadi Ishaq Salah, from Yemen's Socialist Party there is Dr. Tibah Barakat, and Amal Maknoon (member in NDC), and from the Nasserite party there is Mr. Hassan Harad and his brother Taha Harad. Other members representing the Tihaman Hirak are 'Izzi Shuwaim and Khaled Abdullah Khalil, who are in the NDC. 

Directorates of the Tihama Region

Their Demands: 

The people of Tihama, like other Yemenis, demand improvements in services. The lack of medical services caused the return of "old diseases" like malaria, smallpox and other similar epidemics. Even though Tihama constitutes a large portion of Yemen, they are not involved in the decision making process and demand political participation. So far, in the National dialogue, their needs are not heard because they are considered a weak minority, even though there are several individuals representing their demands. 

Tihamans want relative autonomy in a Federal Yemen. When it comes to financial matters, they demand that more revenues be allocated to their region. They demand that some of their own resources be dedicated solely to the people of Tihama. Also, they demand the government's assistance in purchasing agricultural equipments in order to revive what once used to be fertile farmlands. 

Challenges: 

The biggest challenge facing the Tihaman Hirak is maintaining its peaceful operations. According to several Tihaman activists, they feel that powerful Sheikhs  - who have interests in keeping the people weak-  try to instigate trouble in order to drag the Tihaman people into armed conflict. They struggle to reject radicalism especially since they are very angry.

Another challenge is the politicization of the Hirak members, which can result in deep divisions within the movement. Moreover, Tihama, like other parts of Yemen, is witnessing an increase in sectarian divides between the people. New labels are being paraded around to divide the diverse Tihaman population. Finally, their voices remain faint in Yemen and outside of Yemen, especially in comparison to other oppressed groups. 

*Map from Dr. AbdulWadoud Moqashr PhD Thesis: (Tihaman Resistance and Opposition Movements from 1918 to 1962).

- Special Thanks to Mr. Abdul Bary Taher, Secretary General of the 'Afif Cultural Institution and Mr. Khaled Abdullah Khalil member of the Transitional Justice Committee in the NDC. 

US Policy towards Yemen: An interview with Danya Greenfield

Today in DC, an event orchestrated by the Atlantic Council and the Project on Middle East Democracy (POMED) took place discussing US foreign policy towards Yemen. During the discussion, the three speakers (Greenfield, Heyedmann and Al-Bukari) talked about the nature of US and Yemeni attitudes towards each other. Although one would assume that these opinions are public knowledge, it felt as if a big secret was finally out.  It was amongst the few (if not the first) big Washington DC-event that directly pointed out that some of the US's policies towards Yemen were "counterproductive". The event, which included the President of the Polling Center, Hafez Al Bukari, brought a lot of awareness to Americans. Danya Greenfield and Stephen McInerney (Executive Directer of POMED) collected 31 signatures to advise Obama's administration of reassessing US policy towards Yemen (emphasizing the excessive use of Drones).

I met with Danya Greenfield for the first time about two months ago and I was pleased to observe her in her element. For an established woman (she is currently the Deputy Director of the Rafik Hariri Center at the Atlantic Council), she was humble and formed her opinions carefully after doing a lot of research. She did one thing that most people in her position don't: she listened.

A month ago, I sat down with Ms. Greenfield and we talked about the relationship between the US and Yemen. Here is what she had to say:

You can find the letter to President Obama here.

Although it is common knowledge amongst Yemenis that the use of drones is not well liked, this event reveals (publicly) that there is hope for US foreign policy in Yemen. Events like this should make us aware that not all American programs in Yemen "support the use of drones".

The event highlighted how Yemeni and American officials are not having transparent exchanges with each other. Meaning that neither side had an honest discussion about how the average Yemeni is unhappy with the US' counterterrorism policies.

My own analysis is that this is frustrating to both sides. It actually creates a problem that is hard to resolve. Yemenis tell Americans what they want to hear so they can be backed up. Americans never know the real truth and support them without doing their own in-depth research. The problem gets worse when the US begins to analyze the results and put the pieces together. They have many choices but will either choose one of the two: to continue pretending that nothing is wrong or to completely stop their support of whomever they are backing up. If the US continues its support, then they look bad, but if they decrease their support, then the Yemenis on the ground will be left in an awkward position.