Threatened Unity: Understanding the Tihaman Hirak

Tihama is a coastal region extending from Hijaz to Hodaidah*. Part of Tihama now belongs to Saudi Arabia (since the Taif Treaty), when Talking about the Yemeni Tihaman Hirak, we are talking about the regions that belong to Tihama within the Yemen Border.

Background:

Prior to 1941, the region of Tihama was occupied by the Ottomans (twice), their ports were completely destroyed by the Italians during the Italian-Ottoman War and then controlled by the British.  Parts of Tihama were ruled by  the Idrissi Emirate, and then the Zaydi Imamate (under Imam Yehaya). The Tihamans track their first revolution to 1918 (against the corrupt Ottoman rule). Their most famous tribal confederation is the Zaraniq - from Bait Al Faqih - who fought against the Zaydi Imamate. Tihama has several other tribes (like Al-Monasirah, Al-Ma'azibah, Al-Wa'eriyah, Al-Mazahirah, Al-Masa'eed, and Al-'Aqiriah to name a few), but they are all weak today. 

Tihama has the majority of Yemen's valleys - including Wadi Moor which is the biggest in Yemen - and fisheries, as well as several farmlands. Between the area of Bora' and Al Sokhnah is a forest (3-5km long) protected by UNESCO. Also, the region of Tihama is wealthy in historical artifacts, many of which are traced back to the Himyarite Kingdom. 

Their Grievances:

The tribes of Tihama weakened significantly since 1920. Many of the people in Tihama practiced trade and embraced civilian life long ago. Unlike other parts of Northern Yemen, the people there are rarely armed. Many of the Tihaman lands do not belong to them. Security forces are absent from the area - they are present in the mountains but not on the coast -  and poverty levels continue to soar.  

Due to Tihama's location near the Red Sea, the region is rarely at peace. For instance, there are many passing refugees from Somalia and Ethiopia. Moreover, Tihaman fishermen are constantly targeted by pirates who steal their boats and imprison their workers. The area is also used for all kinds of smuggling (weapons, drugs, human trafficking, child trafficking, diesel & petrol, and illegal pesticides).

Logo of the Peaceful Tihaman Hirak 

Since the early 1970s, the standards of living have not improved and the centralized government oppressed the people. Historically, Tihama had fertile farmlands, fisheries and valleys, yet they remain poverty-stricken. Some of the lands have parched due to the lack of management/maintenance. Other Fertile farmlands are managed and owned by powerful individuals outside of Tihama. Fisheries are monopolized by people in the former government and some who are still in the current government. 

Flag of the Tihama Region

When it comes to governance, the area has been mostly managed by the General's People Congress (GPC) from 1982-2011. Many of the politicians and traders in Tihama are publicly allied with GPC; however, some have financial ties to Islah. Tihamans have been completely absent from the political arena. President Hadi visited the area about three months ago (after his trip to Moscow). The locals complained about the absence of a local economy. As a result of this visit, a deal between the government and the wealthy traders (allied with international corporations) was nullified. To date, nothing on the ground was implemented. 

The Movement/Hirak: 

In February 2011 (Yemeni Revolution), the people of Tihama finally had the courage to speak up about their oppression. The Tihaman Hirak is a massive movement that is not limited to a specific group and is open to all its directorates (see map below). They have thousands of members. A few individuals belonging to this movement call for armed resistance. 

The Tihaman Hirak has influential members from different political parties and some independents. The independents in the Tihaman Hirak lack a unified ideology or leadership; however, they put the interests of Tihama first. From this group, there is Mr. Mohammed Mo'men and Mr. Muhammed Al Dohni (who runs a cultural forum). Other members are from the Islah party, like Mr. Ismael Abdul Bari. From the GPC there is Qadi Ishaq Salah, from Yemen's Socialist Party there is Dr. Tibah Barakat, and Amal Maknoon (member in NDC), and from the Nasserite party there is Mr. Hassan Harad and his brother Taha Harad. Other members representing the Tihaman Hirak are 'Izzi Shuwaim and Khaled Abdullah Khalil, who are in the NDC. 

Directorates of the Tihama Region

Their Demands: 

The people of Tihama, like other Yemenis, demand improvements in services. The lack of medical services caused the return of "old diseases" like malaria, smallpox and other similar epidemics. Even though Tihama constitutes a large portion of Yemen, they are not involved in the decision making process and demand political participation. So far, in the National dialogue, their needs are not heard because they are considered a weak minority, even though there are several individuals representing their demands. 

Tihamans want relative autonomy in a Federal Yemen. When it comes to financial matters, they demand that more revenues be allocated to their region. They demand that some of their own resources be dedicated solely to the people of Tihama. Also, they demand the government's assistance in purchasing agricultural equipments in order to revive what once used to be fertile farmlands. 

Challenges: 

The biggest challenge facing the Tihaman Hirak is maintaining its peaceful operations. According to several Tihaman activists, they feel that powerful Sheikhs  - who have interests in keeping the people weak-  try to instigate trouble in order to drag the Tihaman people into armed conflict. They struggle to reject radicalism especially since they are very angry.

Another challenge is the politicization of the Hirak members, which can result in deep divisions within the movement. Moreover, Tihama, like other parts of Yemen, is witnessing an increase in sectarian divides between the people. New labels are being paraded around to divide the diverse Tihaman population. Finally, their voices remain faint in Yemen and outside of Yemen, especially in comparison to other oppressed groups. 

*Map from Dr. AbdulWadoud Moqashr PhD Thesis: (Tihaman Resistance and Opposition Movements from 1918 to 1962).

- Special Thanks to Mr. Abdul Bary Taher, Secretary General of the 'Afif Cultural Institution and Mr. Khaled Abdullah Khalil member of the Transitional Justice Committee in the NDC. 

A Voice for People with Special Needs: Samah Al Shaghdari

Samah Al Shaghdari is an activist, poet and journalist. What sets her apart, is her drive to achieve more when odds are against her. Samah heads a foundation known as Voice (Sout) that focuses on people with special needs (the mentally ill or the physically handicapped) and other minorities in society. 

Samah Al Shaghdari - Right

Just a few years ago, she participated in a workshop with the Youth Leadership Center to learn how to construct an organization. While Voice is now a small organization educating society on the subject, Samah has a plan to expand it into a radio that caters to the needs of minorities in Yemeni society. Her dream is to have the first Arab channel dedicated to people with special needs within 10 years. She aims to create programs and documentaries that raise awareness of the conditions that minorities are living in. While Samah's dreams are ambitious, she is realistic and knows that only hard work and dedication will make her plans fruitful. Before creating a channel, she aims to negotiate a weekly (or even monthly) show with a local television channel on people with special needs. 

In 2011, Samah participated in the protests and is feeling heavy hearted about the progress that Yemen made in the past year. 

I think politics kills the mind and the heart. Yemen is suffering from a poverty of politicians, because many of them do not know their trade but found their way to it somehow. Therefore, I refuse to join any group because many of them are reactions to delirium (infi'alat), after all, the revolution was just that. 

As an activist, she let me know that ever since 2004, Yemen made it part of the law to dedicate 5% of all jobs in the private and public sector to disabled individuals. However, there are no recent statistics on whether that is the case. Studies reveal that 2 million people in Yemen are people with special needs, which is roughly 10% of the population. Part of Voice's work aims to hire lawyers in order to defend the rights of disabled individuals at work. Overall, she feels that international and domestic efforts are weak in supporting people with special needs. 

There are about 6000 organizations that are financed by the Social Fund from the Ministry of Labor and Social Affairs (Al sondouq Al ijtima'ey), and 258 of these organizations are for people with special needs but only two stand out: 1) Markiz Al Noor managed Abdul Rabou Humaid and 2) Jam'iat Al Aman by Fatima Al 'Aqil (but she passed away). The other organizations isolate the disabled from themselves. They teach women to sew, and draw, etc but they all do it in isolation. There are only very few buildings that care about disabled people... As if this group of people is nonexistent. No one considers how people with special needs will get to the top floors anywhere even in public universities and governmental buildings. 

Samah's uniqueness as an activists is that she herself represents the community that she is fighting for. 

When I was 3 months old, I got sick with fever. My family took me to the doctor and she gave me a shot. While the doctor may have cured my fever, she gave me Nerve Atrophy. I am disabled now. Growing up, I lived my life like a normal person and I don't suffer from any complexities. This is because my father made me love life and learn how to follow my goals.
I began facing problems when my father died. Most of the women in my family got married at 15 and 16, and I couldn't study what I want, I had to fight for things. I was a little late in my career but that is because I had to practice diplomacy with my family as not to lose them. To be an example for others, you have to suffer. 

Samah studied philosophy as an undergrad in Sana'a and went to earn an MBA. She worked with a television channel. She states: 

I always wanted to be a television presenter. In 2008, I presented a documentary called Countenance (Malamih) on Saba'a channel; it focused on young artists, singers, actors, and artistic disabled people. I remember a man called Samih who was an extremely talented disabled artist that no one knew about although he won several art awards. Another amazing character is Liza, a blind journalism graduate, who was struggling in finding a job in the Media due to her disability. The show was ranked as one of the most watched shows on Saba and could have been nominated to participate in the Cairo Film Festival, however it was eventually canceled because of the lack of interest of some senior administrators within the channel.

Samah was one of the main faces in the revolution and made a short film focusing on the feminist movement during the Yemeni revolution that will be discussed in a future post. 

As a poet, Samah published a few collections. Her first collection came out in 2004 and the second in 2010.

My first collection was an experience of creative adolescence (Morahaqa ibda'iyah). It was a daring collection and I faced  many problems in society due to the subject matter it discussed.  I was a woman and I talked about praise (Ghazal), so it was hard... many people tried to use it against me by bringing it to the males in my family...
I am stubborn and I was scared to write some more, but I decided to go to prose (Nathr), which is typically shorter and more abstract, in order to make it harder for everyone to understand. In prose, however, I found myself. 

Samah's 2010 book, The Fabric of Darkness (Naseej Al-'Atma), her poetry is concise and witty. It reminded me of some of the famous quotes of American poet Dorothy Parker. Samah's poem, "A Vision" (رؤيا) is simple: 

To be able to see things,                          لأتمكن من رؤية الاشياء

I will shut my mouth                                           سأغمض فمي

As for her next book she says, 

It is not like fashion, it is not about producing every year, but rather about producing quality. I want it to have philosophical depth so when I am ready, I will produce more.  

Op-ed: Women Ruling during the Transitional Period

Image via The Open Majlis

I wanted to share a comment I received from a female colleague who read my comments on"Leave the Power to Women" by Abdullah Mahwari


"The analysis is very interesting and highlights the confusion that some people have regarding the ability of women to contribute positively to the future of Yemen.
Like Yemeniaty, I was surprised with the time frame that the writer of the article used "transition period". It weakened his argument. Transition is the most challenging period for any nation. It shapes its future. If the author truly believe that women are capable in managing the country during this period than he would not have limited it to a time frame. In the contrary, the article seems like an attempt to protect men from failing by calling for women to take over. If women failed than it would be difficult for them to have another chance but if they succeed then it is the time for men not women to build on this success!!!

I hope one day we will go beyond men or women and will start focusing on having the right person in the right place regardless to gender.

Eid mubarak in advance,

Best regards,

Jeehan"

*Jeehan is the assistant of the World Bank executive director for Yemen and Arabia 

Women Outside the Shadow - II

Today, we continue to honor women whom Ghada Mutahar dubbed as "Women Outside the Shadow". 

Image via Montreal Gazette

9) Amal Al-Makhithi: Amal has always been a human rights activist but she joined the revolution because she wants Yemen to remain united. She also wishes that the new constitution stipulates that a president can only be elected for two terms and that the country operates according to the democratic model. During the revolution, Amal made sure that protestors had blankets when the weather was cold and food at times of hunger, among many other volunteer activities. Overall, she strongly opposes a government that creates domestic turmoil in order to gain monetary profit. 

10) Ehssan Doughaish: Ehssan attended the protests in February 2011 with her husband, even though she is a mother of 5. She recruited women to join the protests and she even voiced her opinion on media outlets that had strong ties to the previous government (Saba News). While the revolution was taking place, Ehssan decided to give the youth (girls and boys) lessons since the school was out. Although her intentions were well, several extremists voiced their concern about boys and girls studying inside the same tents, and eventually spread rumors about her intentions. Ehssan was disappointed to see her educational program fail. 

11) Haneen Al-Rous: Haneen joined the revolution because she was fed up with the status quo of Saleh's government. She was fed up with the nepotism that favors unqualified people in the few jobs available, the poverty that most of the population was living in and the corruption of the legal system that no longer serves its people but rather the elite. Haneen documented the revolution and created a group called "I am Yemeni: Freedom, Equality, Justice". Her hope is that Yemen becomes a country that Yemeni immigrants want to return to live in. 

12) Fatima Saleh: Fatima was a junior undergrad business student. When the revolution started, she decided to voice her growing frustrations against the government. Fatima joined the Revolution's Information Committee and the Media Center. She even prepared reports that were displayed on the revolution's website. Fatima wishes for a better Yemen where the population is well informed about their political rights and their role in creating their own future. 

13) Thourayah Mujahid: Thourayah is a reporter with Saba news and the vice president of the Yemeni Union of Anti-corruption and Transparency. During the revolution she hosted workshops training the youth about political empowerment and future planning. Thourayah also helped raise funds for the Service Committee. Her message to the Yemeni people: "resilience, and then some more resilience, and then patience. There must be sacrifice because this is a revolution and not a journey". 

14) Ghaida M. : Ghaida is a Masters studednt who began her career as an activist when she worked in the rural parts of Yemen. There, she witnessed the suffering and poverty of the Yemeni people. That part of the country lacks the most basic services like drinking water. she believes that the "Separatist Movement of the South" is nothing but a protest of the deteriorating conditions of the people. Ghaida was member of the Awareness Committee of the revolution and lead a blood drive after the massacre of Juma'at Al Karamah (the Friday of Pride). She wishes to see Yemen as a civil state with less power in the hands of the military. 

15) Raghda Jamal: Raghda was a participant in various informative and cultural activities in change square. She wrote a small collections of poems in English called "Lost in a Fairy Tale". Raghda dedicated a poem called "Sailor" to the revolutionaries and held a signing ceremony in the protest square. For the future, Raghda wants to have a country that she is proud of and she has full trust in the capabilities of the Yemeni youth. 

16) Huda Al-Asbahi: Huda opposed Saleh's government because it ruled with only one man at the top, leaving what was supposed to be a democratic country under the rein of an individual. She wants to see Yemen with a pluralist system that respects the diversity of opinons. She led a campaign that cleaned the change square. Furthermore, Huda participated in various marches and volunteered with the Medical Unit. Huda says that she is proud of Yemenis who are tribal in nature and heavily armed for displaying a peaceful and civil demeanor regardless of the bloodshed that occurred. Overall, Huda urges those who did not join the revolution to join it. 

17) Elham 'Alwan: Elham felt that a war was waged against her during the revolution. People ruined her reputation and accused her of having connections with the National Security and of being a mole amongst the revolutionaries. Elham explained that this accusation was the "shock of her life" especially after she dedicated so much time to organize and promote democracy with the Youth. She believe in the revolution; however, she became suspicious of corrupt figures who joined the revolution. She hopes that Yemenis try to understand each other better in the future in order to avoid further divisions. 

18) Sarah Al-Fa'iq: Sarah is utterly disappointed of the progress that Yemen made under Saleh's leadership, especially when she compares it to foreign and neighboring countries. She believes that Yemen has the resources and capabilities to be better than some states (and definitely better than this). Although she feared the rise of a civil war, Sarah participated full heartedly in the revolution. She conducted polls prior to Jum'at Al Karamah (Friday of Pride) to see if people living around change square were bothered by there presence. She began restructuring the protests in a way that pleases the people living in that area until the massacre of March 13th happened. She was disappointed to hear that some of the people she interviewed had a hand in the bloodshed. She ends with; "the revolution gave Yemen a new age and I hope to create a bright future for Yemen". 

A New War on Women?

Bushra Al-Maqtari 

"The Arab Awakening protest movement encouraged religious tolerance among its participants, while in some instances, the resulting political crisis provided a context that stoked existing religious tensions" - Yemen's Religious Freedom Report

Is it possible that the Arab Awakening opened doors for a new war on women? is there a new form of sexism that is declared in the name of religion?

Women all over the Middle East have been demanding political equality and while we await their democratic freedoms to expand, newspapers are reporting rapes from Libya, sexual assaults in Egypt and deaths in Syria. Sexism is not the least bit a phenomenon in the Middle East; however, the utilization of religion as a tool of war against women is becoming a trend.  Religion, which was once implemented with care and knowledge, is now used in most political conflicts. 

In Yemen, the political war between the Houthis and the government has become about religious ideology. Underneath the religious facade, it is mostly about power to rule. This war even invited unwanted political involvement from Iran and Saudi, threatening the security of the nation with a proxy war; all in the name of religious authenticity. This July, the United States Department of State released the International Religious Freedom Report for Yemen and declared that religious freedom in Yemen is not ideal yet not too problematic. The report focused on religious pluralism and sectarian violence, but it failed to recognize Yemeni women as victims of religious partiality. 

Should Yemeni women be fearful? Perhaps, if they are to choose to have a voice and challenge Yemeni culture. Case in point, Bushra Al-Maqtari, a 31 year-old divorcee from Taizz. Bushra, a journalist, wrote an article about the revolution. In this article, she expressed her thoughts about the bloody battle of Khidar (Dec. 2011) between the demonstrators and pro-Saleh forces. She shared her feelings by saying that she questioned whether God was witnessing everything. While some may agree and many may disagree, religious extremists in the country declared Bushra an infidel who questioned the existence of God. In response, Bushra clarified that she is believing Muslim and that she did not question the existence of God but rather his presence in all situations. Regardless, what Bushra wrote may be a reason for many people to dislike her, but what happened after that made this about all women. 

On January 29, 2011, a public fatwa was issued against Bushra declaring her an "unbeliever", a charge punishable by death. Over night, more than 70 Imams supported this fatwa without solid proof. It is not surprising that many individuals are following these fatwas blindly as the total literacy rate is a mere 45.3%. More recently, Bushra has been threatened more seriously and her reputation was tarnished on facebook and newspapers. Is Bushra going to be safe? lets hope her friends and family can protect her and that Yemenis have more sense than to hurt someone for their opinions.

This is what happens in the absence of a central government. Chaos takes over and at the moment women are in danger. Hurting women by questioning their honor and integrity is not a new political tactic. In fact, it is used globally. Adding radical religion to the equation is what makes this tactic threatening, not only to Yemeni women, but to men who hope to see Yemen prosper.