Praising Yemen’s Transition as a Good Model Misses Facts

Soldiers Patrol a Street in Sana'a. Photo by Yahya Arhab/EPA

The National 

Sama’a Al Hamdani

February 26, 2014 

Last week, Yemenis simultaneously celebrated and protested to mark the third anniversary of the 2011 revolution. The country was then on the brink, but today it is applauded for having completed a “peaceful” transition. It is popularly portrayed as having undergone an ideal shift from dictatorship to democracy. The realities on the ground, however, tell a much different story. Whether the focus is on the nation’s extreme failures or exaggerated success, most of the narratives on Yemen are based on false assumptions. 

Many of the actual atrocities happening in Yemen are untold, and thousands traumatised by violence continue to tolerate severe injustices. Since August, Yemenis have stomached a whirlwind of new disasters seemingly synchronised with water and electricity outages. New sources of turmoil are materialising far more traumatic than bombs and the occasional exchange of gunfire.

During the revolution, Sanaa was divided into boroughs controlled by three main tribal figures who filled the void left by a fractured system of governance on the verge of dissolution. As a result of the transition’s mismanagement, the balance of power has shifted: other new players are successfully contesting state power.

In one month, a military hospital was targeted by Al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula, killing 52. Most of these individuals were civilian doctors and patients. In that time, a drone strike attacked a wedding convoy killing 17, three political figures were executed, prominent scholars have been threatened for their rhetoric, a liquefied natural gas site was attacked with rocket-propelled explosives, an influential Southern sheikh was gunned down at a military checkpoint, a car bomb exploded in the heart of Sanaa, and artillery shells hit a funeral for a Southern separatist in Ad-Dhale province.

Yemen is witnessing a deterioration of its already fragile social fabric, compounded by a breakdown of tribal norms. Foreigners are no longer the sole targets of kidnapping: children of notable businessmen are abducted, members of the national dialogue are held hostage and, more recently, women from prominent families are snatched to shame men.

Most governmental operations are interrupted, and airports and seaports are subject to random shutdowns due to protests.

In the “democratic model” that has become Yemen, everyday life comes with a penalty.

In light of the clear absence of rule of law and the lack of accountability, Yemen has become the perfect realisation of Immanuel Kant’s “State of Barbarism”, a country managed and run by several guerrilla groups and individual leaders under the cover of government.

The message being sent, and understood, is that human life is cheap and victims are mere numbers. At any moment, anyone can be caught in a gun battle, and be considered collateral damage and no one will be held accountable.

Today, Yemenis are divided by faith, geography, ethnicity, political ideology and tribal affiliation – but they collectively suffer from anxiety, irritability, insecurity and depression. Yemenis are being pushed to the limit. Their silence and tolerance is docile.

Thousands of unemployed youth are sleep deprived, seeking refuge in mindless hours of qat-chewing to numb the reality of everyday hardship. Many wonder who will be killed in the future, and whether the frequency of random mindless will allow them to see another day. These thoughts are kept private while Yemenis attempt to live as normally as possible.

Those able to leave the country often claim they can “finally just breathe” or that they were ignorant of the “burdens” they carry. These fears are destroying Yemen’s psyche, and citizens are using them as justification to seek other forms of security in the absence of the rule of law.

There is a clear contrast between the marketed achievements signed behind closed doors, and the realities on the ground. Between these false narratives and the population’s unique case of surrender, things will get a lot worse before they get better. With several separatist movements, the strongest in the South, and the war in the North over authority and religious ideology, the population is at high risk of radicalisation.

Those who fought for a peaceful civil state in 2011 may use violence to revive the state.

Throughout the transition, the international community endorsed theoretical solutions prematurely in the pursuit of democracy. The sanctions that the UN Security Council produced yesterday could be a gamble during this critical period. Rather than deterring figures who are impeding the political transition, Charter VI can further promote chaos and overshadow non-political grievances.

Yet, there is hope: the world must recognise that Yemenis have legitimate aspirations. Yemenis need to separate themselves from the despair lingering from previous failures, and believe in self-determination. The government must be pressured, nationally and internationally, into providing justice to those who were victimised.

Real solutions will only emerge when the realities on the ground are managed rather than provoked.

Sama’a Al Hamdani is a Yemeni researcher who lives in Washington DC and blogs at yemeniaty.com

A Voice for People with Special Needs: Samah Al Shaghdari

Samah Al Shaghdari is an activist, poet and journalist. What sets her apart, is her drive to achieve more when odds are against her. Samah heads a foundation known as Voice (Sout) that focuses on people with special needs (the mentally ill or the physically handicapped) and other minorities in society. 

Samah Al Shaghdari - Right

Just a few years ago, she participated in a workshop with the Youth Leadership Center to learn how to construct an organization. While Voice is now a small organization educating society on the subject, Samah has a plan to expand it into a radio that caters to the needs of minorities in Yemeni society. Her dream is to have the first Arab channel dedicated to people with special needs within 10 years. She aims to create programs and documentaries that raise awareness of the conditions that minorities are living in. While Samah's dreams are ambitious, she is realistic and knows that only hard work and dedication will make her plans fruitful. Before creating a channel, she aims to negotiate a weekly (or even monthly) show with a local television channel on people with special needs. 

In 2011, Samah participated in the protests and is feeling heavy hearted about the progress that Yemen made in the past year. 

I think politics kills the mind and the heart. Yemen is suffering from a poverty of politicians, because many of them do not know their trade but found their way to it somehow. Therefore, I refuse to join any group because many of them are reactions to delirium (infi'alat), after all, the revolution was just that. 

As an activist, she let me know that ever since 2004, Yemen made it part of the law to dedicate 5% of all jobs in the private and public sector to disabled individuals. However, there are no recent statistics on whether that is the case. Studies reveal that 2 million people in Yemen are people with special needs, which is roughly 10% of the population. Part of Voice's work aims to hire lawyers in order to defend the rights of disabled individuals at work. Overall, she feels that international and domestic efforts are weak in supporting people with special needs. 

There are about 6000 organizations that are financed by the Social Fund from the Ministry of Labor and Social Affairs (Al sondouq Al ijtima'ey), and 258 of these organizations are for people with special needs but only two stand out: 1) Markiz Al Noor managed Abdul Rabou Humaid and 2) Jam'iat Al Aman by Fatima Al 'Aqil (but she passed away). The other organizations isolate the disabled from themselves. They teach women to sew, and draw, etc but they all do it in isolation. There are only very few buildings that care about disabled people... As if this group of people is nonexistent. No one considers how people with special needs will get to the top floors anywhere even in public universities and governmental buildings. 

Samah's uniqueness as an activists is that she herself represents the community that she is fighting for. 

When I was 3 months old, I got sick with fever. My family took me to the doctor and she gave me a shot. While the doctor may have cured my fever, she gave me Nerve Atrophy. I am disabled now. Growing up, I lived my life like a normal person and I don't suffer from any complexities. This is because my father made me love life and learn how to follow my goals.
I began facing problems when my father died. Most of the women in my family got married at 15 and 16, and I couldn't study what I want, I had to fight for things. I was a little late in my career but that is because I had to practice diplomacy with my family as not to lose them. To be an example for others, you have to suffer. 

Samah studied philosophy as an undergrad in Sana'a and went to earn an MBA. She worked with a television channel. She states: 

I always wanted to be a television presenter. In 2008, I presented a documentary called Countenance (Malamih) on Saba'a channel; it focused on young artists, singers, actors, and artistic disabled people. I remember a man called Samih who was an extremely talented disabled artist that no one knew about although he won several art awards. Another amazing character is Liza, a blind journalism graduate, who was struggling in finding a job in the Media due to her disability. The show was ranked as one of the most watched shows on Saba and could have been nominated to participate in the Cairo Film Festival, however it was eventually canceled because of the lack of interest of some senior administrators within the channel.

Samah was one of the main faces in the revolution and made a short film focusing on the feminist movement during the Yemeni revolution that will be discussed in a future post. 

As a poet, Samah published a few collections. Her first collection came out in 2004 and the second in 2010.

My first collection was an experience of creative adolescence (Morahaqa ibda'iyah). It was a daring collection and I faced  many problems in society due to the subject matter it discussed.  I was a woman and I talked about praise (Ghazal), so it was hard... many people tried to use it against me by bringing it to the males in my family...
I am stubborn and I was scared to write some more, but I decided to go to prose (Nathr), which is typically shorter and more abstract, in order to make it harder for everyone to understand. In prose, however, I found myself. 

Samah's 2010 book, The Fabric of Darkness (Naseej Al-'Atma), her poetry is concise and witty. It reminded me of some of the famous quotes of American poet Dorothy Parker. Samah's poem, "A Vision" (رؤيا) is simple: 

To be able to see things,                          لأتمكن من رؤية الاشياء

I will shut my mouth                                           سأغمض فمي

As for her next book she says, 

It is not like fashion, it is not about producing every year, but rather about producing quality. I want it to have philosophical depth so when I am ready, I will produce more.  

Eid in Yemen

Image via newshopper

I haven't been to Yemen in the past three years. As I watched the revolution take place from Washington DC, I felt an ache inside me to go back to Yemen. Unfortunately, going back was not an option for me; however, my desire to go to Yemen was not to participate in the revolution per se but to rather witness a new wave of political freedom. Today, many people claim that the revolution has been hijacked by radical groups and ideologies, while others claim that the revolution is a successful work in progress. Regardless, the truth is the country is going through a hard transition and is now struggling to recover. 

Prior to arriving to Sana'a, I was warned several times about the shock I am about to face. I stressed as I hopped on my flight to Sana'a, wondering about the appalling conditions that Yemenis live in. I recall the first time I came back to Yemen after living abroad for a few years; Sana'a, which was the most "modern" city in the entire country, looked like a big village covered in sand. The eyes of the people pierced through my window, they were puzzled by me as I was by them. This time, I came to Sana'a armed and prepared and to my surprise, nothing looked worse. At least not yet. Of course, I only saw the "60 road" (siteen) which was adorned by new bridges. Yemenis on the streets are known for being reckless, but for the first time, there are pathways and tunnels dedicated to pedestrians. That was a notable improvement! Not to mention the abundance of restaurants, pharmacies and Shisha stores opening all over the city. All this signifies that there is still hope for the economy (at least domestically speaking). 

Perhaps it was the smiles of people that distracted me from their misery. It was Eid-al-Fitr and although the prices of natural gas went up, the need to please families prevented people from holding mass riots. I sat at home, jetlagged as I greeted groups of family and friends who came for the traditional Eid visit. I even had to wrestle some family members over Eiadah (Eid money). At the end of my first day, I made 36000 rials! Just a little short of $200. To sum it up, it was surprisingly pleasant to be back and so quickly familiar. It wasn't until the next day that I noticed how much women have to work to make sure that everyone's Eid is smooth. 

First and formost, the house has to be cleaned every-time a new guest comes in, and the children always leave a mess (Oh so many children!). There needs to be a variety of chocolates, a bunch of handmade cookies where housewives display their pastry talents and hence, their superiority as homemakers, a variety of juices chilled at all times even when the electricity is off. After the men do their chews, all the qat needs to be vacuumed, all the silver needs to be shined and the room needs to be aired to let out the smell of cigarettes and Mada'ah then closed again to contain the smell of incense (Bakhour). Not to mention that while men give out the money, women are the ones responsible for keeping track of it. So by the end of the day, when the qat is chewed and the kids are fed and the dinner is made, women find themselves tired, but they never complain and wake up the next day to do it all over again. 

This is precisely why I love Eid-al-Fitr of 2012. I am in my motherland being cared for by my family, learning how to be patient and how to smile in the face of hardships. 

Op-ed: Women Ruling during the Transitional Period

Image via The Open Majlis

I wanted to share a comment I received from a female colleague who read my comments on"Leave the Power to Women" by Abdullah Mahwari


"The analysis is very interesting and highlights the confusion that some people have regarding the ability of women to contribute positively to the future of Yemen.
Like Yemeniaty, I was surprised with the time frame that the writer of the article used "transition period". It weakened his argument. Transition is the most challenging period for any nation. It shapes its future. If the author truly believe that women are capable in managing the country during this period than he would not have limited it to a time frame. In the contrary, the article seems like an attempt to protect men from failing by calling for women to take over. If women failed than it would be difficult for them to have another chance but if they succeed then it is the time for men not women to build on this success!!!

I hope one day we will go beyond men or women and will start focusing on having the right person in the right place regardless to gender.

Eid mubarak in advance,

Best regards,

Jeehan"

*Jeehan is the assistant of the World Bank executive director for Yemen and Arabia 

The Yemeni Revolution from a Young Journalist's Perspective

Nawal Al-Maghafi worked with BBC Arabic to present a look inside the Yemeni revolution from the perspective of two men from the same family; the Deputy Minister of Information, Abdou Al Janadi, whom she dubbs the "President's Man" and his son who was opposed to Saleh's regime. While the video provides a straight forward story of these two men, it is also symbolic of the divisions that the Yemeni people are facing. Here is The President's Man and his Opposing Son:

Question: During the Yemeni Revolution, you were in London, what inspired you to go to Yemen? Once you were in Yemen, did you participate in any of the demonstrations? are there any specific stories that you want to share? 

Nawal: As the Arab Spring spread across the Middle East, I watched the news religiously. Wondering wether it would spread to Yemen, my home country. Although I was raised in London, Yemen is my home and remains close to my heart. I was already working as a documentary producer for pressTV and so when the protests did finally erupt in Yemen it seemed only natural for me to be the one to document it, I couldn't miss out on this, and had to be apart of the change!

I went to the change square daily, it became one of my favourite places in Yemen, it was a place where people finally dared to fight for their rights, and voice their opinions freely, something that wasn't common in a conservative country such as Yemen. When I look back at the months I was in Yemen when the revolution was in full swing, I will never forget the passion and bravery of the youth, who were willing to lose their lives for Yemen. I will never forget the tears of the mothers in the field hospital that lost their sons in the fight for change in Yemen.

Question: Why did you choose to do a story about the deputy minister of information and his son? why not focus on other individuals?

Nawal: One of the qualities of the Yemeni revolution that made it unique in comparison to the other revolutions in the Arab Spring, was that there was a great divide in the country. Whilst the Tahreer Squares in Tunisia, Egypt and Libya were overflowing with protesters demanding the fall of their dictators, Yemens Tahreer Square was full of Saleh supporters. On the other hand, there were millions of people protesting against Saleh and his regime across the country.

Abdu Al-Janadi, the Deputy Minister of Information and his Son Dr Abuther Al-Janadi, represented this divide.
Abdu Al-Janadi kept the regime surviving after all the main people in the regime were either killed or injured in the Nahdain mosque bombing. And his son Abuthar was leading the protest in Taiz, calling for the fall of the regime his father played such a strong part in.

There was no specific reason as to why I picked the Al-Janadi's, but they represented the divide in Yemen that I was trying to show in the film.

Question: Are there any stories that you were not capable of sharing with us on Camera? 

Nawal: There is plenty!! Unfortunately, I wasn't allowed to film Al-Janadi's wife in the film, and what a shame that was. She has such a strong character, and when you meet her you realise how much of a part she plays in his life and in the decisions he has made. Also, had I had more time, I wish I could have told the stories of Al-Janadis history, he was one of the main people opposing Saleh, and was wanted to be executed for trying to plan a coup against Saleh, and now he is now one of Saleh's most loyal supporters!

Question: Why do you think it was in the documentary's narrative to bring together the president's man and his son? was it symbolic of anything else? what do you hope the audience take away from this story?

Nawal: In the time I spent in Yemen, I realised that one of the biggest obstacles the new transitional government is facing in progressing is because most of the political sides are not cooperating. This divide that is between all these groups will continue to halt the progress of the country, it is important for all political sides to unite and do what is best for the nation.

Al-Janadi and Abuthar meeting in the end was to portray that it is possible for all the political sides to unite and to discuss and to work on rebuilding our nation, together.

Question: During the documentary, the ex-president Saleh appeared for a few minutes, the narrator explained him as "humble" while he tested a "new" antique car. Why is his presence in the documentary significant? why do you think he chose to share that moment with the crew of BBC? any other "off-camera" conversations?

Nawal: Firstly, the narrator does not explain Ali Abdullah Saleh as humble, it was Al-Janadi who says this. I was very nervous about our meeting with him, I had been making calls trying to organise it for weeks, and now was finally the time. It was important to have him in the film with Al-Janadi, because I thought I had to show the audience what type of relationship they had. Is it a formal one or a friendly one, but from what I noticed it seems it is very formal.

I think the ex-president was very uncomfortable when his new gift arrived whilst we were there, he tried to sensor that part of the footage too for the DVD we were given, but I was able to get it from another source. I was able to interview him too, but unfortunately the whole of the interview was cut as well from the footage, and all I have left are my notes.

Question: What are you planning to do in the near future? Is Yemen involved in your plans? What do you predict for Yemen?

Nawal: Im already in the development stages of my next film, I have 3 new films that are a work in progress. Hopefully, if all goes to plan, the next one will be broadcast in November, but you will have to wait and see what its about!

Biography from Nawal's Website

Nawal Al-Maghafi is a freelance journalist of Yemeni heritage. Raised in London, she was awarded her undergraduate degree in Economics with Politics from the University of Nottingham, where she was the Founder and President of the Arabic Society; as well as the Political Officer for the Black and Ethnic Minority Network. This is where her interest in the Middle East sparked. She began her pursuit in Journalism at only 19 years of age, where she was trained at Al-Jazeerah London. Focusing on the Middle East and with the objective to uncover the untold stories of the Arab World. She was one of the few journalists that followed the uprisings in Yemen and Saudi Arabia. She then completed 3 documentaries focusing on the Yemeni Revolution and one on Saudi oppression, and was nominated for two awards for her film, Saadah: The Untold Story. She is now based in Yemen, and has begun her career in print journalism as well as film making. She is fluent in both Arabic and English.