Threatened Unity: Understanding the Tihaman Hirak

Tihama is a coastal region extending from Hijaz to Hodaidah*. Part of Tihama now belongs to Saudi Arabia (since the Taif Treaty), when Talking about the Yemeni Tihaman Hirak, we are talking about the regions that belong to Tihama within the Yemen Border.

Background:

Prior to 1941, the region of Tihama was occupied by the Ottomans (twice), their ports were completely destroyed by the Italians during the Italian-Ottoman War and then controlled by the British.  Parts of Tihama were ruled by  the Idrissi Emirate, and then the Zaydi Imamate (under Imam Yehaya). The Tihamans track their first revolution to 1918 (against the corrupt Ottoman rule). Their most famous tribal confederation is the Zaraniq - from Bait Al Faqih - who fought against the Zaydi Imamate. Tihama has several other tribes (like Al-Monasirah, Al-Ma'azibah, Al-Wa'eriyah, Al-Mazahirah, Al-Masa'eed, and Al-'Aqiriah to name a few), but they are all weak today. 

Tihama has the majority of Yemen's valleys - including Wadi Moor which is the biggest in Yemen - and fisheries, as well as several farmlands. Between the area of Bora' and Al Sokhnah is a forest (3-5km long) protected by UNESCO. Also, the region of Tihama is wealthy in historical artifacts, many of which are traced back to the Himyarite Kingdom. 

Their Grievances:

The tribes of Tihama weakened significantly since 1920. Many of the people in Tihama practiced trade and embraced civilian life long ago. Unlike other parts of Northern Yemen, the people there are rarely armed. Many of the Tihaman lands do not belong to them. Security forces are absent from the area - they are present in the mountains but not on the coast -  and poverty levels continue to soar.  

Due to Tihama's location near the Red Sea, the region is rarely at peace. For instance, there are many passing refugees from Somalia and Ethiopia. Moreover, Tihaman fishermen are constantly targeted by pirates who steal their boats and imprison their workers. The area is also used for all kinds of smuggling (weapons, drugs, human trafficking, child trafficking, diesel & petrol, and illegal pesticides).

Logo of the Peaceful Tihaman Hirak 

Since the early 1970s, the standards of living have not improved and the centralized government oppressed the people. Historically, Tihama had fertile farmlands, fisheries and valleys, yet they remain poverty-stricken. Some of the lands have parched due to the lack of management/maintenance. Other Fertile farmlands are managed and owned by powerful individuals outside of Tihama. Fisheries are monopolized by people in the former government and some who are still in the current government. 

Flag of the Tihama Region

When it comes to governance, the area has been mostly managed by the General's People Congress (GPC) from 1982-2011. Many of the politicians and traders in Tihama are publicly allied with GPC; however, some have financial ties to Islah. Tihamans have been completely absent from the political arena. President Hadi visited the area about three months ago (after his trip to Moscow). The locals complained about the absence of a local economy. As a result of this visit, a deal between the government and the wealthy traders (allied with international corporations) was nullified. To date, nothing on the ground was implemented. 

The Movement/Hirak: 

In February 2011 (Yemeni Revolution), the people of Tihama finally had the courage to speak up about their oppression. The Tihaman Hirak is a massive movement that is not limited to a specific group and is open to all its directorates (see map below). They have thousands of members. A few individuals belonging to this movement call for armed resistance. 

The Tihaman Hirak has influential members from different political parties and some independents. The independents in the Tihaman Hirak lack a unified ideology or leadership; however, they put the interests of Tihama first. From this group, there is Mr. Mohammed Mo'men and Mr. Muhammed Al Dohni (who runs a cultural forum). Other members are from the Islah party, like Mr. Ismael Abdul Bari. From the GPC there is Qadi Ishaq Salah, from Yemen's Socialist Party there is Dr. Tibah Barakat, and Amal Maknoon (member in NDC), and from the Nasserite party there is Mr. Hassan Harad and his brother Taha Harad. Other members representing the Tihaman Hirak are 'Izzi Shuwaim and Khaled Abdullah Khalil, who are in the NDC. 

Directorates of the Tihama Region

Their Demands: 

The people of Tihama, like other Yemenis, demand improvements in services. The lack of medical services caused the return of "old diseases" like malaria, smallpox and other similar epidemics. Even though Tihama constitutes a large portion of Yemen, they are not involved in the decision making process and demand political participation. So far, in the National dialogue, their needs are not heard because they are considered a weak minority, even though there are several individuals representing their demands. 

Tihamans want relative autonomy in a Federal Yemen. When it comes to financial matters, they demand that more revenues be allocated to their region. They demand that some of their own resources be dedicated solely to the people of Tihama. Also, they demand the government's assistance in purchasing agricultural equipments in order to revive what once used to be fertile farmlands. 

Challenges: 

The biggest challenge facing the Tihaman Hirak is maintaining its peaceful operations. According to several Tihaman activists, they feel that powerful Sheikhs  - who have interests in keeping the people weak-  try to instigate trouble in order to drag the Tihaman people into armed conflict. They struggle to reject radicalism especially since they are very angry.

Another challenge is the politicization of the Hirak members, which can result in deep divisions within the movement. Moreover, Tihama, like other parts of Yemen, is witnessing an increase in sectarian divides between the people. New labels are being paraded around to divide the diverse Tihaman population. Finally, their voices remain faint in Yemen and outside of Yemen, especially in comparison to other oppressed groups. 

*Map from Dr. AbdulWadoud Moqashr PhD Thesis: (Tihaman Resistance and Opposition Movements from 1918 to 1962).

- Special Thanks to Mr. Abdul Bary Taher, Secretary General of the 'Afif Cultural Institution and Mr. Khaled Abdullah Khalil member of the Transitional Justice Committee in the NDC. 

Women Outside the Shadow - Part I

Photo via Boise Weekly

I recently stumbled on amazing piece of work by Ghaida Mutahar on Yemeni women during the revolution of 2011 (to read the Arabic version Click here). Mutahar called her paper "Women Outside the Shadow" and in it she presented to the world a group of pioneering women who are barely recognized for their activism and who remain unknown to the Yemeni populace. 
This work glorifies the role of 16 women as nonconformist political actors. The objective is to provide these women with a voice in the world, so we do not forget the capacity and achievements of Yemeni women during political turmoil. Mutahar is providing testimony so women are not forgotten again like they were in the struggle against the British colonizers and the Northern Imamate. 

In an attempt to honor these women, I will provide a brief summary of eight women today and the following eight tomorrow.  

1) Ghada Al 'Absi: She graduated in 2003 and attempted to pursue a higher degree in journalism; however she could not afford it. Ghada demanded an improvement in the quality of life and hopes that things change before she retires. On several occasions, she donated blood and other goods to Yemenis during the revolution and wrote various articles addressing the revolutionary youth. Ghada was accused by Islah members of being a spy and was detained in a tent. She hopes that that Yemen becomes a civil state; a nation that respects human rights without differentiating between individuals based on religion, ethnic background, or political ideology. 

2) Samar Al Jahmi: Samar's entire experience can be summarized as that of a victim of a very corrupt government. In 2003, Samar's cousin was killed by her husband who avoided imprisonment by bribing the judges. Prior to that, in 1994, her father (who was an immigrant) lost  a home he purchased in Al-Asbahi when the housing program was given to other individuals. Although Samar lives in Saudi Arabia, she helped the revolution by participating on websites and forums. Ofcourse, her dream is to improve Yemeni law in the future.

3) Sarah Al-Maqtari: Sarah is a radio host on FMShabab (FM Youth) and is the epitome of a nationalist. She feels betrayed by the government that failed to provide services to its humiliated population. Furthermore, Sarah was active on twitter, reporting to the world what happened on ground during the Yemeni revolution. She fears that the revolution maybe hijacked in the future by other groups who do not care about the future of the youth. 

4) Shatha Al-Harazi: Shatha reports a story of meeting the former Yemeni president, Saleh, and asking him to "leave" infront of his face. She is a reporter that worked with Yemen Times. Shatha portrayed the revolution as a humanist movement. During her life, Shatha lived under a dictatorship (Saudi), a democracy (UK), and a false democracy (Egypt) and she believes that she has the right to change the world that she lives in. She hopes to live in a world where individuals within a political system are not treated like divine beings. (FYI: Shatha Al-Harazi is one of the recipients of the Vital Voices Global Leadership Award for 2012). 

5) Manal Al-Hammadi: Manal, a mother and an employee at the Global Fund against AIDS, has been a life long opposer of Saleh's regime. She has actively participated in the protests and engaged in dialogues with various groups. Manal fears that after the revolution unqualified personalities would rise to power. One of her biggest concerns is the economic recovery and the rebuilding of the Yemeni infrastructure. 

6) Ashwaq Al-Rabi'ey: Ashwaq is an administrative employee and a translator. She presented the news to the world in the English language and helped educate protestors about the use of social media during protests. She fears that political parties in Yemen would alter the objectives of the revolution and is proud that Yemeni population finally acquired the self-confidence need to demand a better life. She wishes reform in order to combat corruption. 

7) Basma Abdulfatah: Basma is a PhD. student who opposed Saleh's government due to its militaristic style. She argues that there was too much power in the hands of certain individuals. Basma helped take photographs of the protestors and is very optimistic about the future of Yemen; due to the revolution's cooperative ambience. 

8) Nadia Mor'ai: Nadia is a poet, journalist, and teaching assistant. She supported the revolution because it provided a peaceful exist to all the corruption and a hope for a new democratic beginning. Nadia participated in the protests, continuously updated her facebook, marched with women in opposition and recited poetry that she wrote on the revolution of 2011.