Saturday, February 2, 2013

A Conversation with David Remes: Lawyer of Yemeni Guantanamo Detainees


The subject of Guantanamo Bay is revived every time a prisoner dies. When the outcries lead to nothing, the subject is then unheard of. The last death in Guantanamo was that of Adnan Farhan Abdul Latif on September 08, 2012. Adnan, like many other Yemeni detainees, had no charges pressed against him. 

This week Yemeniaty meets with David Remes, a lawyer who defends these detainees pro bono. He shares with us letters handwritten by Adnan Abdul Latif. 




Adnan used to write poetry about his experience in Guantanamo. 
The following is a letter Adnan Latif wrote to his lawyer on December 26, 2010: 
David Remes,Do whatever you wish to do, the issue is over.I am happy to express from this darkness and draw a true picture of the condition in which I exist. I am moving towards a dark cave and a dark life in the shadow of a dark prison. This is a prison that does not know humanity, and does not know [anything] except the language of power, oppression and humiliation for whoever enters it. It does not differentiate between a criminal and the innocent, and between the right of the sick or the elderly who is weak and is unable to bear and a man who is still bearing all this from the prison administration that is evil in mercy.Hardship is the only language that is used here. Anybody who is able to die will be able to achieve happiness for himself, he has no other hope except that. The requirement is to announce the end, and challenge the self love for life and the soul that insists to end it all and leave this life which is no longer anymore called a life, instead it itself has become death and renewable torture. Ending it is a mercy and happiness for this soul.I will not allow any more of this and I will end it. I will send [move] it to a world that is much better than this world. There, the real life will live again that will be filled with complete happiness and be rid of all harassments. There, the environment will clear up, things will calm down and you will be able to relax and you will not see the world of evil people.I am in need of a person who blindfolds his eyes from me [looks the other way] and leaves me in my freedom so that I can choose my end. With all my pains, I say goodbye to you and the cry of death should be enough for you.A world power failed to safeguard peace and human rights and from saving me. I will do whatever I am able to do to rid myself of the imposed death on me at any moment of this prison.156

Friday 5/28/2010
To Attorneys David Remes and Marc Falkoff,
 
Here I am drowning in my blood and you are still looking for justice and seeking
hearings. Meanwhile they are leading me to death.
Everything has a price except human life. It became cheap. In their view, life became
less than refuse to be thrown in a garbage can. I am being pushed towards death every
moment. The way they deal with me proves to me that they want to get rid of me but in a way that they cannot be accused of causing it.
 
I don’t think anyone believes me but this is the truth to be found by people who
investigate what is happening to me especially these days. I have been isolated in Alpha
block, camp five, in a cell that resembles a lion’s cage. It has been made especially for me in this way. I am also without the Quran because of several mishandling of it. I was also deprived of praying several times. (My prayers are more important than my life.) They entered my cell during prayer for no reason.
 
I was hurt badly by the IRF teams. Imagine that one night, from sunset until six in the
morning, they entered my cell fifteen times. During those times, they tied me to a
stretcher and carried me to the clinic in camp five then returned me back to my cell.
They repeated that fifteen times until I lost my mind; they broke my bones and made me bleed. This also happened on the second day when they entered my cell ten times hitting my head against the wall and dragging me on the floor and leaving me there in the middle of the cell which was full of water, urine and feces. I was left in this dirty mixture all day with my hands tied firmly behind my back.
 
Furthermore, and to make you believe that they want me to die and to kill me; they
prevented me from having anything that can help me live normally. They don’t give me
books, a blanket, soap, medical supplies that I need for my hearing, eye glasses, tooth
paste, medical shoes or a neck pillow. Instead they give me contraband items like a
spoon to hurt myself with it right after all the pressure they exerted on me as I
mentioned in the beginning of this letter. They even gave me a big pair of scissors. It was given to me by the person responsible for camp five. This made me ask for the police. A Chief in the Navy who is specialized in investigating such incidents was called. It is your duty towards me to follow up on the results of this investigation.
A day or two later, they threw some coins after an occurrence of pressure on me. This
made me swallow the coins along with other things. This caused complete blockage of
my throat and death was a step away. I was taken outside the camp to a hospital where
they operated on me for two hours. But instead of extracting the items, or making a
small opening in my throat to get them out, they pushed them down to my stomach. I
was unconscious for five hours after the operation. When I woke up, I was unable to
speak because of what they did in my throat. The items stayed in my stomach hurting
me; these things might lead to my death. I asked them to contact you by phone by they
didn’t approve it.
 
Here I am in the big hospital of the camp where death is certain. They insist, while I am
in this condition, on looking at my private parts and then letting me urinate and
defecate in my bed while my hands and legs are bound. I am not allowed to go to the
bathroom and not allowed to pray. So, no need for courts or justice. Real justice for me
is to die instead of being tortured. All what happened and what I have mentioned is in
their daily reports and their computers. After the surgery, they stopped feeding me or
letting me eat by orders from the surgeon.
It seems that I might have to send you my body parts and flesh to make you believe me
and to believe to what degree of misery I have reached. I am happy to die just to get
away from a non-extinguishable fire and no-end torture.
Marc and David: In the end, I am a human being.
Adnan Farhan Abdulatif Al-Yemeni
Friday 5/28/2010
Blessed is he who can rescue a human being from his ordeal.
If you could, use this letter and the previous one
and give the judge copies and then
bring me a copy when you come to visit me







[To watch Adnan's burial, watch Laura Poitras' video in the New York Times website or Click here]

Monday, January 28, 2013

Why Abyan? and What to do?


Watch Al Qaeda in Yemen on PBS. See more from FRONTLINE.
Image via Ibtimes
Image via Yemen Online
In the waning days of Saleh's regime, unconfirmed reports claim that military leaders purposefully withdrew their forces in order to destabilize the region. Within weeks, the governorate of Abyan fell under the control of Ansar Al Shari'ah (Al-Qaeda affiliated group). Their control over Abyan lasted from March 2011 to June 2012. During this time, it was declared an "Islamic Empire".



After Ansar Al Shari'a were forced out, on June 19, 2012, U.S. officials including the US ambassador, Gerald Feierstein, and USAID administrator, Rajiv Shah, visited the war ravaged areas of Abyan. In September, they released this assessment. In this trip, USAID pledged to provide an extra 52$ million dollars of assistance to Yemen. Some humanitarian assistance began in Abyan; however, no concrete reforms can be felt.

Before Ansar Al Shair'ah, Abyan had high unemployment rates, poor educational opportunities and was economically deprived. Government presence there was almost nonexistent. Now, not much has changed. Since 2012, there are tribal popular committees that were instrumental in evicting Ansar Al Shariah from the region much like Al-Sahwah tribal committees in the Anbar province in Iraq who helped end the war in Iraq. Government presence is still weak. The return of Ansar Al-Shariah is still a possibility as they are hiding in the neighboring regions. Ironically, some claim that a few members of the tribal popular committees are in fact members of Ansar Al Shariah. The question that comes to mind is why Abyan? and what to do?

Abyan is a vast lawless area with a harsh terrain that lacks government authority and institutions.  Low levels of education made the area ripe for extremist infiltration. Prior to the unification of Yemen, and in the context of the cold war,  Saudi Arabia and the US supported Islamic extremists (Mujahidins) to combat the spread of communism in Afghanistan and in the South of Yemen. When Osama Bin Laden visited Yemen in 1989 (his only vist there), he brought Jihadis from Afghanistan to Southern Yemen. Also, Yemen was one of the few countries they could go. In the brief Civil War of 1994, former president Saleh used these returning warriors to help him win the war against those who declared secession. It was part of Saleh's strategy to spread the Jihadi, Salafi and Muslim Brotherhood movement in the South. 


Historically, Abyan is known for adopting radical thoughts (for example; the Qarmatian movement (which is a Shi'i Ismaili group lead by Ali ben Fadhl Al Qormoti started in Jabal Khanfar in Ji'ar, Abyan. Also, Sufi extremist groups flourished there). Furthermore, in the past 20 years, most political and ideological movements in Abyan failed miserably  So, the community felt that the "return to religion" is the only option to combat the problems facing them. The Jihadi/Salafi ideology is one that revolves around the concept of life after death, where things could be better. 

Although people in Abyan are primarily considered Shafi'i, Sunni. In the past 20 years, Salafism (Jihadi- Wahhabism in particular) dominated Abbyan. In 1994, Abyan was the first area to convert a movie theater into a mosque. Also, in 1998, the first attack on tourists in Yemen was committed by Jaish Adan Al Islami (Aden-Abyan's Religious Army). This "army" was created in 1992 and participated in the previously mentioned Civil War with Saleh. They hold the messianic belief that their role in the Arabian Peninsula will bring Yom Al-Qiyamah (day of resurrection), based on the following hadith: 
"An army of twelve-thousand will come out of Aden-Abyan. They will give victory to Allah and His messenger; they are the best between myself and them".
The Aden-Abyan army wants to reinstate Islam as it was during the times of the Prophet Muhammed (PBUH). However, as we saw in their seize of Abyan, they were authoritarian and demanded absolute obedience. AQAP has become a rallying cry to many, but not out of conviction. Many people are not fond of Al-Qaeda, but like the saying "the enemy of my enemy is my friend"; because AQAP stands up to the government that neglected them, they follow suit.  

Currently, conditions in Yemen are substandard, and almost each region needs its own transitional plan. People in Abbyan need special attention (like other governorates) in order to revive their economy. Unfortunately, without any felt improvements, fighting jihad in order to go to heaven seems like a feasible venting method. Right now, people in Abyan are distressed and life is gruesome. The goal in Abyan is to lower the distress of these human beings. So what is needed is good governance and economic assistance in order for us to observe any real transformation in the region. 

Friday, January 25, 2013

Pictures from my Country

As promised, every Friday, I'll share photos from Yemen. [see previous post]. To celebrate Al-Mawlid Al-Nabawi, this edition includes scenic views and images of Yemeni people. Enjoy. 

Scenic Views from Yemen 
Photography by Mohammed A. Gerhoum

Old City -Sana'a

Jabal Maswar - Hajjah 

Jabal Maswar - Hajjah

Al Yazidi - Yafe'a

Yafe'a

Old City - Sana'a
Faces from Yemen
Photography by Raiman Al-Hamdani 








Jum'a Mubarakah!

Thursday, January 24, 2013

Yemen’s National Dialogue: The Country’s Critical Test for Stability

My latest piece published on Fikra Forum, January 17, 2013. 

On November 23, 2011, Yemen’s revolution subsided with an agreement brokered by the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), enacting a two-year transitional government led by President Abdu Rabu Mansour Hadi. According to this agreement, a national dialogue is scheduled to take place by the end of February or the beginning of March to decide the formation of the new government and its constitution. However, the transition appears to be dawdling, causing many Yemenis to lose faith. Delays can be attributed to Yemen’s complex ethnic and tribal affiliations and interests, a deteriorating security situation, and Hadi's meticulous oversight, with a careful intent to avoid aggressive backlash and to maintain the nation's stability. Nevertheless, the national dialogue is progressing, the success of which will be critical in determining the future stability of the country.

Planning the National Dialogue

In July 2012, a technical committee was chosen to determine the overall nature and logistics of the dialogue. From August to December 2012, the technical committee, led by Yemen’s former Prime Minister, Dr. Abdulkarim al-Eryani, held 65 meetings, each followed by a press release and updates to the official Facebook page. The committee concluded its meetings with a report that was presented to President Hadi.

As a result of the technical committee’s report, the dialogue will have a total of 565 members. Around 40% of these seats are designated to political parties (not including new parties), while 35 seats are dedicated to Houthis, and 85 to Hirak Southern Separatist Movement members. The political parties must select their delegates according to the following stipulations: 50% of their seats must be assigned to people from the South of Yemen, 30% to women, and 23% to the youth. Furthermore, 160 seats are allocated to non-partisan groups: 40 for independent youth, 40 for independent women, and 80 for civil society organizations (2 members from each organization). Each category will be selected by seven technical committee members. The deadline for non-partisan applications is January 19. Overall, the aim of the committee is to host a dialogue that will be equally divided between Northern and Southern Yemenis.

Complicating matters further, the final list of the national dialogue attendees must include Yemen's tribal leaders, jurists, religious minorities, businessmen and women, young or new political parties, and those with special needs. The selection process for these groups remains unclear, though President Hadi has the right to nominate these individuals or create a special committee that will select them.

The moderator of the dialogue is still undecided, but two options are available. Either the president and the technical committee will appoint a person, or the national dialogue members will recommend individuals and vote. The national dialogue will most likely be held in Sana, however, the technical committee agreed that if security permits, other meetings should be held in Aden. Working teams will also operate in the following cities: Aden, Taizz, al-Mukalla, Sadah, and al-Hudaydah.

The national dialogue budget is 7.7 billion rials, none of which is provided by the Yemeni government. The technical committee’s report concludes that a portion of the budget will provide transportation, housing, and food during the expected dialogue period of six months. Finally, a special television channel and radio will be dedicated to broadcasting all of the national dialogue events. While the money has been pledged to Yemen by GCC countries, it has yet to be received, revealing the GCC’s lack of confidence in Yemen’s decision-making.

What to expect

A recent meeting on January 14 between President Hadi and those involved in the transitional phase (the national dialogue technical committee, political figures, and ten foreign ambassadors) is revealing as to the intricacy of Yemen’s current situation. Though the dialogue is supposedly “national,” international agencies and actors are heavily involved in supervision. The Houthi representative, Mohammed al-Bukhaiti, refused to attend the meeting because the U.S. Ambassador was present. This is an indicator of what could happen during the dialogue if international actors attempt to partake rather than observe.

All Yemenis, regardless of their political opinions, must be represented in this dialogue; otherwise, the dialogue will fail and the country will be paralyzed. So far, the Southern Hirak has not released their party list and independent applicants from the South are hesitant to apply, seemingly discouraged to join. Recently, in a first step toward transitional and restorative justice, Hadi assigned two committees to address land disputes and forcible job expulsions that occurred in Yemen’s southern provinces of following the 1994 civil war. If this effort fails, the southerners will continue to feel persecuted and will demand secession.

The deteriorating security condition in Yemen makes it nearly impossible for the national dialogue to operate in various cities. Even in Sana, there are major security concerns. On December 22, 2012, three westerners were kidnapped in the heart of Sana and have yet to be released. Earlier this week, an AQAP cell was discovered in the capital. Aware of these security challenges, the technical committee, now called the preparatory committee, has dedicated a portion of the national dialogue budget toward special security.

Other important issues relating to security remain unanswered. Currently, a committee has been tasked with restructuring Yemen's Ministry of Interior. The goal is to mimic the structure of Jordan's Ministry of Interior, but the transformation will not be easy. In the next month, President Hadi is expected to announce the names of the commanders assigned to the seven armed forces that were newly reformed through his December 19 decree calling for the restructuring of the military. As long as this effort remains unrealized, security will be a constant threat to Yemen's successful transition.

Following President Hadi’s decree, many wonder what will happen to Ali Mohsen al-Ahmar, former leader of the First Armored Division. Mohsen, though demoted, remains an influential military figure, and may participate as an advisor to the tribal members of the dialogue. Meanwhile, former president Ali Abdullah Saleh is still considered the president of the General People’s Congress (GPC) party, though he is sick and needs medical treatment. The national dialogue technical committee did not specify any restrictions against Saleh’s attendance, but if Saleh decides to attend, the majority of participants will withdraw, ruining any real chance of dialogue.

The remaining influential figures worth noting are Hamid al-Ahmar, a businessman and leader of the Islah party, and Abdulkader Hilal, mayor of Sana. Al-Ahmar is a powerful man, with many loyalties among the Salafis, and even jihadis. He will likely attend the dialogue and he might even run for presidency int 2014. Hilal has also been rumored to be a presidential candidate. Like Mohsen and Saleh, he is from Sanhan, and he is a military man. On December 12, 2012, he successfully led a clean up campaign called “Sharik” to fix Sana’s streets, winning him much public acclaim.

The role of the U.S.

The U.S. government’s policy toward Yemen has been primarily concerned with counterterrorism. The American Ambassador in Yemen has been criticized in the past for not listening to the demands of the Yemeni people.  Yet, the ambassador meets with Hadi, Mohsen and al-Ahmar regularly. As previously mentioned, the Houthis are not happy with the presence of the U.S. Ambassador in national meetings. Therefore, during the dialogue, it is best that the international community observes and advises the national dialogue rather than partake in it.

Over the past two years, the increase in drone attacks has led directly to an increase in anti-American sentiment. For the first time in Yemen, the average Yemeni citizen views America as an adversary rather than a friend. However, cooperation between the Yemeni government and the U.S. is at an all-time high. This is mainly due to the fact that the U.S. and the international community are at the backbone of Hadi's strength in Yemen.

The best strategy toward tackling this newfound hostility is to adopt a different policy in Yemen, one that is not solely based on counterterrorism, and to listen to the demands of the Yemeni people. Furthermore, public recognition of the progress toward peaceful transition in Yemen will show support and encourage other non-violent transformations.

Thursday, January 17, 2013

Pictures from My Country

Mohsen Al-Jabri (image here)
On the 17th of July, 1978, a popular television show broadcasted on Yemen Television, displaying scenic images from all Yemeni provinces while Yemeni music played in the background. The show was loved by Yemeni emigrants; not only did it show images of their homeland, it was narrated in Yemeni dialect. It was called "Pictures from My Country"صور من بلادي. The host of the show was Mohsen Al-Jabri who hosted the show on a weekly bases for 30 years. He passed away in 2008.


In hopes of reviving a similar vision, Yemeniaty will post images from Yemen every Friday. Enjoy! 


Photography by Raiman Al-Hamdani

Jabal Al-Nahdayn - Sana'a

A House in Hajjah

From Al Haymah (Al-Dakhliyah)

Children in Al-Haymah

Scenic View from Hajjah

Children in Hajjah

Artist calls the image 'Innocence'

A village in Hajjah (on a mountain)

A Mosque in Zabeed

Jum'a Mubarakah!

Tuesday, January 8, 2013

Follow up: Women Seeking Freedom, Samia Al Aghbari

 
Image via Atiaf Al Wazir
On a previous post, found here, a situation was explained about a suitcase filed against Samia Al Aghbari for attacking "religion". After brief contact with her, this is what she had to say on the subject: 
What is happening today with me is an extension of a long campaign launched against a number of  women like writer Arwa Othman, activist Atiaf Al Wazir, and novelist Bushra al-Maqtari among others. This vicious attack confirms that without a doubt there is a systematic campaign targeting liberal activists and journalists in order to silence our voices.
 
They [the attackers] believe that they have silenced our voices. In the past, Saleh and his "associates" used religion to eliminate opponents and settle their accounts with opposition. They even used defamation and fabricated accusations of treason, not to forget the abuse of the judicial system that is used as a sword hanging over the necks of their opponents. Today, extremist groups - whatever their affiliation is - are using the same techniques. But we [women] will not fear their threats or their campaigns. We will continue our struggle until we win our humanity back and get the state that we want. 
What about the accusation that you slandered religion? 
My sentence was clear and the meaning was obvious. The term that I used, "ugliness", was to describe the allaince, not religion, however, some extremists exploited that situation. What I say is that I can not badmouth any religion, let alone my religion! Clearly, religion here is used to to settle political scores.

Sunday, January 6, 2013

Yemen's Infidels: Women Seeking Freedom

Disclaimer: religion is a sensitive subject and this article doesn't condem anyone and does not critique religion. The purpose of this article is to promote religious tolerance and raise awareness on the misuse of it. 


About five months ago, I wrote about Bushra Al-Maqtari, a 31-year-old journalist, who was declared an "unbeliever" for writing a controversial article on the Yemeni Revolution. Al-Maqtari's article was about a massacre that took place in the city of Ta'izz, but many people fixated on a statement she made questioning whether God witnessed the crime that took place. Al-Maqtari then clarified that she considers herself a Muslim, and that she believed in God, but none of that matters when there is a political war being waged on Yemen's Women. Religion in Yemen has become an easy tool to use when trying to restrain women. Now, in January, the same story seems to be repeating itself; however there are minor differences. This time the victim is journalist Samia Al Aghbari.

On December 30, 2012, Samia gave a speech in the city of Dimt (province of Al-Dhali') to commemorate the 10th anniversary of the assassination of Jarallah Omar. Omar was one of the leading figures in Yemen's Socialist Party (YSP). During Samia's speech she exclaimed that Yemen has a triple "ugly" alliance, religion, the military and the tribe. Of course, to many, it was understood that she was talking about radical political Islam and the manipulation of religion to serve hidden agendas. To this day, no arrests have been made for Omar's assassination, but there are rumors that it may have been a religious extremist. The truth is, no one knows for certain. 
Update, one man, Ali Al-Sa'wani, was tried for the assasination of Jarallah Omar and recieved the death penalty, two suspects are still at large; one of them is rumored to be a woman. 
  A man by the name of Akram Al-Ghouwaizi filed a complaint with Dimt's district attorney charging Samia of insulting and ridiculing Islam.



Many of the attacks launched against Samia are done on the Ikhwan Al Yemen (Yemen's Brothers) facebook page. This page is probably linked to members of the Islah party (and is not an official facebook page for them). The Islah party is made up of tribesmen and Muslim brotherhood (MB) members, so if Samia stated that the "ugly" triple alliance is that of the MB, the military and the tribe, then perhaps she won't be accused of insulting Islam. 

A collection of Samia's writings are found here (Ar) http://www.marebpress.net/writers.php?id=22
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